The River Between by Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o (1965)

The ways of the ridges, the ancient wisdom of the land, its song and ritual.
(Traditional tribal values as expressed by the wise old man, Chege, page 52)

The River Between is Thiongo’s second novel (although the introduction to the Penguin Classics edition tells us he wrote it first).

It opens with a description of the land, a land of ridges, two in particular, Kameno and Makuyu, between which flowed Honia, the river of life, ‘the river between’ the two ridges with their different settlements and people.

Back in prehistory here lived Gikuyu and Mumbi, father and mother of the tribe (p.17). They were made by Murungu, the Creator, who told the people he gave them the land in perpetuity. Here heroes arose, such as Mugo wa Kibiro the great seer, Wachiori the glorious warrior, Kamiri the powerful magician.

Two boys are fighting on the plain, Kamau and Kinuthia. Young Waiyaki with the goat scar tries to break it up. Waiyaki is the son of Chege who is a respected elder of the tribe, knows the history of the people and the land and the meaning of all the rituals. He warned against the coming of the white men but his peers didn’t listen.

It is the time when Nairobi was still growing and the railway was being built into the interior, so the Edwardian era? Some notable elders of the people of the ridges convert to the white man’s religion.

[To be honest I found the opening of the book, its description of the land and the two ridges with the river between, confusing. It was only by about page 50 that I had a clear sense that the village on one ridge – Kameno – will come to represent the old tribal ways, while the village on the other ridge – Makuyu – comes to be associated with Christianity and the new white man’s values.]

The day of Waiyaki’s ‘second birth’ arrives. Elders assemble, wine is drunk, a goat is slaughtered. Waiyaki sits between his mother’s legs, attached to her by an umbilical cord made from tendons from the slaughtered goat. A midwife cuts this symbolical cord and Waiyaki is born again.

Chege lives apart, in his thingira, the man’s hut. It’s pretty primitive, shared with sleeping goats and sheep. At daybreak wrinkled old Chege takes Waiyaki along the Honia river, then up the valley side, along a path to a holy hill, with a sacred tree and a great view across the land of ridges, with Mount Kerinyaga in the distance, the mountain of He-who-shines-in-holiness (p.17). Chege repeats the story of Murungu, the Creator, creating Gikuyu and Mumbi. Chege tells him about the great seer Mugo wa Kibiro, how he predicted the coming of the white man but nobody believed him. It is a visionary setting in which Chege predicts the coming of a ‘saviour’ who will drive the white man and restore the tribes to their rightful place.

In this visionary setting, Chege tells Waiyaki he must go to school at the Siriana Mission and learn the ways of the white man. And so he does, and is a star pupil, learning fast.

Cut to two young girls, Nyambura and Muthoni, daughters of Joshua, drawing water from the river Honia, river of the cure. Their father is Joshua who has converted to the white man’s religion. All of a sudden Muthoni confesses to her sister that she wants to be circumcised. The Christian tradition they’ve been baptised into isn’t enough for her. She wants to be ‘a real girl, a real woman’ (p.25). To get a man and be married, she must be circumcised ‘or how does a girl grow into a woman?’ (p.25).

Nyambura is worried because she knows their father will be furious if he finds out, considering it a throwback to pagan ways. But she agrees to keep it a secret and maybe even aid her visit to their aunt at Kameno, where she can get the deed done.

p.27 Profile of the girls’ father, Joshua, and the fervour of his Christian faith. Among the traditional round mud thatched huts on Makuyu, his house stands out for having four walls and a tin roof. He thinks most of his people, unconverted to Christianity, live in ‘the depth of darkness’.

Joshua’s Christian zeal means he intends to make his home a beacon of Christian values, which he enforces very strictly on his wife, Miriamu, and two daughters, to the extent of routinely beating his wife when she breaks any of the rules (p.30) (cf the monster controlling father in Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s first novel, Purple Hibiscus).

Christmas is approaching when he, of course, will celebrate the Christian feast, but most of the villagers, unconverted, will celebrate pagan festivals, particularly the annual ceremony of female circumcision which is, for Joshua, a particular abomination.

[The sense of the missionaries from the distant white city just beginning to impinge on traditional villages, making odd converts here and there who stick out in the sea of paganism, learn to despise their peers and pray for the white man’s ways to triumph, all this a) echoes descriptions of the exact same phenomenon in Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart and b) are obviously setting us up for a clash between zealous Joshua and his headstrong daughter. Whether this leads to tragedy, as in Things Fall Apart, or just domestic conflict, remains to be seen.]

It is a number of months after Muthoni confessed to her sister that she wants to be circumcised. It is a Sunday and Joshua gives a particularly long sermon. Afterwards Muthoni is nowhere to be seen. Joshua sends his wife and remaining daughter out to find her but she has gone. Under pressure, Nyambura admits that Muthoni has gone to the aunt in Kameno to be circumcised. Joshua goes mad.

Before she could run out Joshua was on her. He glared at her, shaking her all the time. He was almost mad and small foams of saliva could be seen at the sides of his mouth. (p.34)

Joshua orders Nyambura to go to her aunt’s at Kameno, to demand that Muthoni come home. Nyambura does so and returns the next day to announce that Muthoni will not come home. At which point Joshua declares that she is no longer his daughter.

Chapter 9 returns us to Chege, the elder of Kameno, giving us back story about how he survived a famine though his first wives died. The theme of circumcision is repeated.

Circumcision was the central rite in the Gikuyu way of life. Who had ever heard of a girl that was not circumcised? (p.37)

[So Joshua and Chege are non-too-subtly being lined up as polar opposites, new white values versus traditional tribal ways.]

Chege has great hopes for his son Waiyaki who is the last of his line and who Chege hopes will be the great saviour of his people prophesied by tribal seers. Admittedly he has sent him to the missionary school at Siriana (run by a missionary named Livingstone), but that is solely so he can absorb the ways of the white man in order to become more powerful, return and continue the life of the tribe. It is pretty obvious that Waiyaki is destined to grow beyond his tribal background and disappoint his father.

Waiyaki’s perspective: he is attending the tribal dances leading up to the ceremony of male circumcision. He is looking forward to testing his endurance and courage in the ceremony. The dance involves the whole tribe moving and swaying provocatively, going into a trance, possessed by the chanting and music.

At the same time Waiyaki has heard the news that Muthoni has run away from Joshua’s house. it isn’t a trivial domestic matter but a major piece of news which is gossiped about and commented on. And now she appears in the dance, doing what is traditional which is, apparently, telling stories of sex and acting them out, ‘scenes and words of love-making’ (p.41).

Waiyaki gives himself up to the rhythm of the dance, shaking his hips, then finds himself face to face with the rebel Muthoni. They dance wildly, passionately. But then Waiyaki notices his mother watching him from the crowd and the spell snaps. He leaves the dance, wanders through the gyrating crowd. He finds himself on the edge of the forest and then Muthoni is there too. If you’re expecting them to go into a passionate clinch, you’re disappointed. Instead he boyishly asks her why she ran away from her father’s house and she explains that she passionately wants to be circumcised, to become a woman, to be one of the tribe, to be like every other girl of her generation. Then leaves. Waiyaki goes to bed troubled.

Chapter 10: Waiyaki waits, sitting in the cold water of the Honia river, along with other boys, waiting for the circumcision ritual. [Presumably this is because cold shrinks the penis and makes the foreskin more labile and easy to stretch and cut. And numb so the boys don’t feel it?]

The village elder cuts Waiyaki’s foreskin off with a knife. Village women shout and cheer. He is wrapped in a white sheet. His penis drips blood onto the earth. This is important because it signifies the bond between himself and the tribal land which will never be broken.

The circumcised boys stay in a mud hit with grass for bedding while their inflamed penises well up and they moan in constant pain. If they complain the attendants threaten them.

[One threat is that they will bring a woman to the hut and have sex with her in front of the initiates. The point being they will get erections at the sight, the hardness pressing the swollen cut flesh, and make them howl in agony, page 45. There is a similar scene in Leslie Thomas’s novel The Virgin Soldiers, where three dim squaddies circumcise themselves under the misapprehension that this will get them a few weeks R&R. Instead they are just send to hospital where the nurses amuse themselves by bending low over the injured men or lightly caressing their feet and flirting, which gives the men erections, which makes them cry with pain, which makes the nurses stroll off laughing.]

All the boys make a full recovery and return to normal life. Chege is pleased his son passed the test. All the girls, too, except for Muthoni. Chege and the other elders discuss her case. they say it is the curse of the white man. If Joshua was still one of them he would simply sacrifice a black ram under the Mugumo tree and Muthoni would be healed.

Waiyaki goes to visit Muthoni in the dirty hut she’s sleeping in. [With the best will in the world it’s impossible not to be repelled by the extremely primitive conditions the tribe lives in and these barbaric practices. Both boys and girls risk fatal infections from the operation. Muthoni is sleeping on a ‘bed’ made of bamboo poles with grass, sacking and banana leaves for bedding. Long skeins of black soot hang from the ceiling.]

This is all in Kameno, presumably the hut belongs to the aunt? [Yes, this is finally explained on page 50.] Anyway, Waiyaki goes down into the valley and up the ridge opposite, to Makuyu to tell Nyambura that her sister is unwell, so Nyambura takes to visiting her every day. As Kameno is only half an hour’s walk away, and she knew Muthoni was staying with her aunt, it’s difficult to understand why Nyambura wasn’t visiting her already. Many times in Thiong’o’ books the characters just seem to be exceptionally stupid. For example, when she visits, all Nyambura is capable of saying, again and again and again, is ‘Why did you do it?’ ‘Why did you…?’ ‘Why?’ In fact she carries on mindlessly asking it even after Muthoni dies (p.51).

So Nyambura waits days and days, as Muthoni becomes iller and iller, until she’s actually gone into a delirium, before telling her mother who, very reasonably, cries: ‘Why didn’t you tell me before?’

Having waited until Muthongi was raving delirious, only then do Waiyaki and Nyambura decide she should maybe be taken to the nearest hospital, at the mission. The narrative is obscure. I think Waiyaki and ‘ten men’ carry her there, but we skip that part, skipping forward three days to when Waiyaki returns to tell the aunt, then Joshua’s family, that Muthoni died in the hospital.

All this has happened by page 52 of this 143-page novel so I think we could categorise the first third as The Tragedy of the Girl Who Wanted to be Circumcised and, in future, whenever I read about female genital mutilation, I’ll think of Muthongi and her motives for wanting to have it done (peer pressure, to be part of her year group, part of her tribe, part of her culture, accepted as a woman no longer a girl etc).

Still, I can’t help being struck by the basic stupidity of the characters. If they’d taken Muthongi to the white man’s hospital as soon as the wound became swollen and infected, they’d have cleaned and disinfected it and she would have lived. Instead they trusted to nature and the aunt’s herbal remedies, and she died. The whole thing is presented by Thiong’o as a Great Moral Choice that Muthongi had to make between the old world and the new world. I read it completely differently, as a symbol of ignorance, needless suffering and death.

Chapter 11

p.52 Chege ponders Muthongi’s death. In the doom-laden, symbolism-heavy, spirit-dominated worldview of the traditional tribal it is taken as a portent and the novel, of course, is soaked this worldview. In a sense the narrative is the story of young Waiyaki’s journey to liberate himself from this worldview, to step outside it and critique it.

p.53 Cut to the first description of Livingstone, the man who runs the Siriana Mission. Livingstone plays the same structural role as Mr Howlands in Weep Not, Child, namely The White Man, whose history, personality, motivation we have explained to us. But whereas Howlands was an angry landowner who turned into a sadistic District Officer during the Mau Mau rebellion (1952 to 1960), Livingstone is a different animal. Twenty-five years earlier he came to the land of the ridges as a missionary full of vigour and high hopes. Now he is old and fat and bald, with a double chin and much lowered expectations.

He has seen too much of ‘these people’, their witchcraft, superstition, leaving the bodies of cursed men who’ve died out to rot. He attended some of the dances preceding religious rituals and was horrified at their sexual explicitness, their ‘immorality’. And now this monstrous death of a young girl from circumcision without anaesthetic or medicine.

Then an assistant brings the news that Muthongi was the daughter of the famous convert, Joshua. For some reason this crystallises Livingstone’s dislike of ‘these people’, his feeling that he needs to combat their savage customs and barbaric practices more aggressively. The chapter closes with the typically melodramatic sentence, ‘the war was now on’ (p.54).

Chapter 12

Muthoni’s death crystallises opposition to the Christians among the traditional elders. One of the boys who carried her to the mission even claimed to have seen the Christians poison her. Rumours swirl. For them it is proof that associating with the white man and his religion brings only evil.

On the other side, Joshua preaches with fire in his eye, convinced that Muthoni was seized by an evil spirit as a warning to the faithful. He thunders that anyone associated in any way with circumcision will be cast out.

Waiyaki watches the two sides crystallise into sides, people being forced to choose a side. Some of the previous Christians, led by Kabonyi, abandon the faith and revert to tribal belief. Waiyaki, being the young hero of a novel, is unsure where he stands in the debate, as he has a foot in both camps, being the son of one of the most vehement tribalists (Chege who is, incidentally, ill with a stomach complaint) but attending the Christian Mission school where he likes the white teachers.

Livingstone strikes the next blow, declaring that anyone who defied the church and continued with their tribal customs, especially any part in circumcision, would be expelled from the Siriana school. Waiyaki returns home to find his father has just died.

Chapter 13

Three years later Waiyaki never went back to the mission school and in fact set up his own school, consisting of his office and one other building divided into four classrooms. It’s raining and the rain is coming through the thatched roofs forming pools of water.

The other major thing that’s happened is the alienating of all the land around the two villages to white settlers. Many families have been pushed off ancestral land they’ve inhabited for ages, or forced to work for the new white owners.

The two boys we encountered fighting on the plain at the start of the narrative, Kamau and Kinuthia, they are now Waiyaki’s teachers i.e. he is in charge of this little village school. And they still quarrel and Waiyaki is still the peacemaker. [It shows a fairly elementary sense of structuring for Thiong’o to open with a scene between boys which is then cannily echoed like this, 50 pages and ten years or so (?) later; reminds me of the same sort of thing being done in umpteen movies cf p.71[=-.]

They are said to have regular arguments about politics, but their understanding is painfully simple-minded. Kinuthia thinks it was a mistake to ever let the missionaries into the land because, once established, they invited their white brothers to come, who have now taken the land away from its rightful owners. This is bad, and the Giyuku people must take their land back. That’s it. Not much of a political analysis or program, is it?

So Kinuthia is one of many saying they must band together in order to clear the white man out. They will form a Kiami.

Chapter 14

Waiyaki’s school is called Marioshoni. It has become famous throughout the country as the first self-help school. The people are hungry for learning, hungry to acquire ‘the white man’s secret magic and power’ (p.65).

Use of the word ‘magic’ immediately alerts you to how very, very far they are from understanding the world, since the entire point of the white man’s learning is that it is utterly dis-enchanted, utterly secular, materialistic, mechanistic. The narrator describes the tribal people not wanting to abandon their old tribal ways but to acquire the white man’s learning. They don’t realise that the two cannot be reconciled.

Anyway, for his role in setting up the school Waiyaki finds himself being lionised as the man who will save his culture, ‘the champion of the tribe’s ways and life’ (p.67).

Chapter 15

Waiyaki can’t sleep, troubled by worries about the conflict brewing in his culture, about memories of Muthoni, gets out of bed, steps out of his hut, is dazzled by the big moon in the sky, enchanted, holds out his arms and wants to hold her, wanders down the ridge to the river, crosses it and climbs the other side towards Joshua’s village, Makuyu. Suddenly he bumps into Nyambura, and realises she is the ghostly figure who has been haunting his dreams…

Then we are shown Nyambura’s perspective, namely that she is lonely. Her sister, Muthoni, was her best friend and confidante. She’s still her father’s daughter i.e. a Christian, but she associates her father with her sister’s death. As to Waiyaki, he is now a name in the land but she finds him cold and aloof (we know he’s just nervous and shy).

Well, I’d bet £20 from this set-up that they end up falling in love. They walk a little together, under the mellow moonlight, both thinking their own thoughts, both strongly attracted. Then they go off to see family or friends they were en route to, but thinking about each other…

Chapter 16

Waiyaki had invited Nyambura to come and see his school but she fails to turn up. It is Njahi, the season of the long rains, the season which makes people happy because crops bud and grow. Women laugh as the do the field work. But in the last few years the seasons have become less predictable, Maybe it is the evil influence of the Christians.

Waiyaki is bothered by his father’s prediction that he would be the saviour of his people. Is it him, or is it Kabonyi, the one-time Christian convert who broke away and led the recidivists. Much older than Waiyaki, Kabonyi is a governor of the school and blocks Waiyaki’s wishes at every opportunity.

Sometimes he feels bound to endless service in the name of the tribe and yearns to be free. Then again, he knows his father would be proud of him setting up a school. And it doesn’t stop there, Waiyaki dreams of establishing a college for higher education.

Kinuthia comes to visit. They go to his mother’s hut where she’s made dinner, as all mothers and wives ought to. Kinuthia tells Waiyaki to watch out for Kabonyi, who is jealous of him.

Chapter 17

Two weeks later. Waiyaki goes to see Joshua preach. He is stronger than ever, more vehement and confident of his faith. Waiyaki has the same thoughts he always does, a feeling of yearning, the confusion of whether he is or isn’t the savour his father predicted. His thoughts are boring, the same one issue round and round. Also, he had hoped to see Nyambura in church.

Afterwards he walks a way with Kamau and they both see Nyambura walking in the distance. Kamau says she’s a beautiful woman and Waiyaki is stricken with jealousy. A little further on the track, once Kamau has left, Waiyaki and Nyambura meet. He desperately wants to tell her he loves her. She feels the same. Puppy love.

Chapter 18

Waiyaki is now known throughout the land of ridges as The Teacher. He is going to cross the learning of the white men with the values of the tribe. [We have been told this lots and lots of times without any indication whatsoever what this learning the white people involves. It’s not just a handful of tricks like reading that can be put in a box marked learning. It is an entire worldview and accompanying technical, scientific, mathematical, engineering, legal, accounting and financial knowledge. The more the narrator and Waiyaki talk about ‘the magic of the white man’ without giving any detail whatsoever as to what this involves, the more pathetically dim and naive they come across as.]

Parents day at the village school. The narrator rams home, yet again, that Waiyaki is now revered as THE TEACHER, the man who can infuse traditional ways with the white man’s magic.

The children sing a song about learning. Their parents burst into tears. Yet again the narrative tells us that Waiyaki is the saviour. The white man has come and appropriated their land. But now their children will be educated and will take it back from the white man. The sleeping lions of the ridges will awake yada yada yada.

When all the singing is over Waiyaki makes a speech saying the school buildings need a metal roof; the children need desks, pencil, paper; they need to build more schools; they need to train more teachers.

Kabonyi stands and makes an effective speech against Waiyaki, saying the land is oppressed and they live in poverty because of the white man. They must unite now to kick him out, not ignore the issue by building new schools. Who needs the white man’s education anyway?

But the people don’t cheer and when Waiyaki stands to make an impassioned reply, the crowd of parents and elders cheers him and starts chanting ‘The Teacher! The Teacher!’ (p.91)

Kabonyi makes his son, Kamau, help him home. He is seething after the public humiliation in front of the entire community. He openly says he wishes Waiyaki dead, and Kamau himself is angry that he and his father both are always being humiliated by Waiyaki.

Within months more schools are built on the surrounding ridges on the model of Waiyaki’s pioneering one and the people far and wide come to revere him.

Chapter 19

Things seen from Joshua’s perspective, namely that Waiyaki, having become the figurehead of the old tribal ways, is the biggest threat to Joshua’s Christian mission. So he 1) sets up some Christian village schools of his own and 2) takes his fight to the enemy, organising a large Christian rally in Kameno at which he preaches with marvellous fervour (p.95).

Waiyaki is conflicted (as he has been for the last 20 or 30 pages) between a self appointed mission to reconcile the two ridges, to reconcile Joshua and Kabonyi, and his deeper vocation, to spread education education education.

Waiyaki can see the big meeting going on from his own hut but goes for a walk. Walking down to the river he sees Nyambura. She is feeling this and he is feeling that. God, the trouble with these novels is the themes and ideas are really, really, really trite, I can feel myself becoming stupider as I read them. Not only that but the characters have the same handful of stupid thoughts and worries, over and over and over again until you want to scream.

Chimamanda Ndozie Adichie is an absolute joy to read because each sentence is elegantly shaped and freighted with intelligence and insight. Thiong’o is torture to read because his themes are obvious, his characters are stupid and his prose is clumsy. It figures that the central figures of this and the preceding novel are both children turning into teenagers, because their thoughts and ideas are so very juvenile. Nyambura feels alienated from her father. She feels sad about her dead sister. And she loves Waiyaki. We know this because the text tells us this again and again and again.

She could only be saved through Waiyaki. Waiyaki then was her Saviour, her Black messiah, the promised one who would come and lead her into the light. (p.98)

She is filled with doubt. Should she stay true to her father? Or give herself to Waiyaki? But she is afraid of her father. And she loves Waiyaki. Except she won’t allow herself to call it love. She asks God to help her. She asks God to forgive her. Should she stay true to her father? Or should she cleave to Waiyaki? But Waiyaki is a big man now, the Saviour of his people. Would such a big man be prepared to marry a woman who isn’t circumcised? She is filled with doubt. Should she stay true to her father? Or should she give herself to Waiyaki? She asks God to help her. She asks God to forgive her.

Round and round and round and round go the same tuppenny, trite thought process in these immature, uneducated peasants.

She walks away from her father’s house down to the river and prays. Waiyaki happens to be there and sees her. A kind of holy light emanates from her. She’s not far from where he was circumcised all those years ago. ‘The place would forever remain sacred to him’ (p.99).

He tries to sneak away but treads on a dry twig which cracks – as in thousands of cheesy TV shows and movies.

She raised her head and saw him. Waiyaki stood and looked at her. Nyambura still knelt. Their eyes met and they did not utter a word. Nyambura was afraid of the intense excitement that possessed her. (p.99)

Etc. Maybe I’m missing the point and this is all intended to be what publishers nowadays call Young Adult Fiction, written for people between the ages of 12 and 18. But even a 12 to 18 year old would burst out laughing when Waiyaki asks Nyambura whether she comes here often (p.100).

Waiyaki finally bloody takes her hand and declares that he loves her. Nyambura is confused, excited, embarrassed, feels a painful sorrow come into her heart, lets herself be embraced ‘in a moment of passion’ etc, and Waiyaki asks her to marry him.

She pushes him away and whispers ‘No’. Because of her father. She wants to stay loyal. She explains, crying. He stands stunned, crying. Then they part. As soon as they’ve left the clearing or spot where they were standing…out of the bush steps Kamau, Waiyaki’s deadly rival, who overheard every word of their conversation.

I smiled, because it’s as contrived as a scene from a Shakespeare comedy or a cheesy TV show. Kamau had followed Nyambura because he intended to tell her he loved her, but had been foiled by his rival! And Kamau then utters the cheesiest, tritest, most clichéd sentiment imaginable, when he says: ‘He’ll suffer for this!’ (p.102)

Chapter 20

Waiyaki goes from ridge spreading the news about education and meets final year students at Sisiana who he begs to join his crusade for education. His efforts are paralleled by Kabonyi, now the leading figure in the kiami, the group of elders representing the people. He is going from ridge to ridge making people take an ‘oath of allegiance to the purity of the tribe’ (p.103). Both sides, the traditionalists and the Christians, are growing and hardening their positions.

Waiyaki feels guilty (‘moments of self-blame’) that he didn’t carry out the work of reconciliation he kept thinking about but delaying in his fervour for education (just as he did in the previous chapter and the one before that).

Kinmuthia comes to see him and warns him that all kinds of rumours are spreading about Waiyaki, that he is betraying the tribe, that he was regularly attends Joshua’s services (he went once), that he is going to marry Joshua’s daughter (he proposed, she turned him down), that he went for a long meeting with the young men at the Siriana Mission (he went to ask them to join him as teachers). Kabonyi and Kamau are behind these rumours and they have loads of young men who have sworn to kill traitors.

Then the hut of one of Joshua’s newest followers is burned down. The Kiama have power everywhere. And now it looks like they’re about to put their extreme rhetoric into action.

Chapter 21

With the predictability of teen fiction, Nyambura comes to regret saying No to Waiyaki, and wishing she could relive the lovely feeling of wellbeing and safety she felt in his strong embrace etc. She loves him, she wants him, he is her saviour etc but she is scared of her father, scared of rebelling against her upbringing, as Muthoni did etc etc.

She goes to that patch of bush next to the river then sits in her favourite spot all day long hoping Waiyaki will come. But he doesn’t. When she gets home Joshua is furious with her, refusing to believe she hasn’t spent the day with him, and yelling that if he hears of her being seen with Waiyaki, he will disown her like he disowned Muthoni.

She is bitterly angry and mortified. She rejected Waiyaki precisely to stay loyal to her father and now her father is punishing her for it. She cries herself to sleep, as many a mooning teenager has before and since.

Chapter 22

Waiyaki delivers new teachers recruited from Siriana and becomes the god of the tribe and the region. Description of Kinuthia’s joy and awe at working for such a great man. But he knows the movement afoot throughout the people goes wider than education into political agitation to get rid of white farmers, white government, white missionaries.

Waiyaki, as for the last 70 pages or so, is wracked by uncertainty about whether he is the saviour (‘Was he that saviour? Was he the promised one?’ p.113) foreseen by the old prophet and his father or just a gifted educationist.

Christmas is coming, peak time for the Christian contingent but also the day of the festivals and rituals devoted to the circumcision.

Waiyaki goes to see his mother who is an old widow now, but wants to know if the rumours are true that he’s going to marry Joshua’s daughter. She warns him the Kiama is the voice of the people.

She’s barely finished doing this than, as in a cheesy TV show, Kamau arrives from the Kimia and says Waiyaki’s presence is required at a meeting of the elders and the Kimia going on right now.

Chapter 23

Kamau takes him to what turns out to be a kangaroo court of the Kimia and the Elders. Kabonyi mounts a sustained attack on Waiyaki, bringing up all the accusations we have, by now, heard loads of times – that Waiyaki attends Joshua’s church, he is going to marry Joshua’s daughter, he spends long meetings at the Christian Mission, in short he is conspiring to damage the purity of the tribe and the people contrary to the oath he’s taken.

Waiyaki loses his temper and storms out, handing victory of Kabonyi and his hate-filled son Kamau. The last few bits of dialogue record some of the worried elders aggressively saying that all the young girls and boys must be circumcised, by force, if necessary.

Chapter 24

A few days later Kinuthia bursts into Waiyaki’s hut and excitedly tells him the Kimia has relieved him of his status as The Teacher and they are talking about mounting an attack on Joshua’s house. Waiyaki immediately sets off down into the valley, across the river and up the other side, bursting into Joshua’s house as they are singing ‘When shepherds watched their flocks by night’. They are outraged at this blasphemy. Waiyaki says he only came to warn them there may an attack on them. Joshua stands and execrates Waiyaki, blaming him for his daughter’s death etc, and Waiyaki, mortified, steps to the doorway.

As he does so Kamau and the four tribesmen who had come to kidnap Nyambura and are hiding in the bush outside Joshua’s house, see Waiyaki exiting it. So he is a traitor! They will go back and inform the Kimia. Now it really is war between the tribe and Waiyaki (p.127).

Back inside Nyambura has watched all this and finally, thank God, makes her decision to opt for Waiyaki. She stands, walks between the congregation, takes Waiyaki’s hand and declares the loves him. Her father rails against her, disowns and banishes her from his house.

Nyambura and Waiyaki walk out into the darkness of the night. Kamau and his gang have gone. Both feel waves of conflict and emotion. They walk down the hill to the river and to their favourite spot and lay down on the grass where ‘a stronger throb, heart-rending, was sweeping away their bodies. Their souls joined into one stillness; so still that their breathing seemed to belong to another world, apart from them.’ (p.131). Does this mean they had sex?

They get up and continue up the hill to Mayuku where Kinuthia is waiting. Waiyaki tells him that the next day he will return to the sacred grove where his father made his prophecy, that a saviour of the tribe would arise and free them.

Chapter 25

Cut to the next day and Waiyaki at the sacred grove, in front of the ancient fig tree. He repeats all the doubts and self blame we’ve heard him recite so many times before. He then itemises the various factions, namely the Christians led by Joshua and the tribals represented by Kibonya and Kamau. the Montagues and the Capulets. The Jets and the Sharks.

Then he has a revelation. He realises Education is not enough, it was never enough. Education is only of value if it leads to political action to right the injustice of the people being thrown off their land by the whites. He sees it as a slogan or mantra: Education for Unity. Unity for political freedom. Education, Unity, Political Freedom. This finally squares the circle and unifies his interests and the needs of the people.

The novel climaxes with Waiyaki addressing a large meeting of the people he asked Kinuthia to organise, which Thing’o prepares in typically over-the-top tones:

Then there was a whisper which made everyone rise in excitement: ‘The Teacher! The Teacher!’ Then they sat down again and let Waiyaki pass, his head and broad shoulders indeed caught against the yellow beams that passed through the trees. And he looked powerful and beautiful and they were tense on both sides of the Honia river. Great hush fell over the land as he strode towards a raised piece of ground where the Kiama sat, where his destiny would be decided. (p.138)

Chapter 26

The confrontation scene where first Waiyaki and Kanyobi trade accusations. It’s the same stuff we’ve heard half a dozen times: Waiyaki took Muthoni to the white man’s hospital where they poisoned her; he came back without cleaning himself and so brought uncleanness into the tribe; he consorted with the white men at Siriana; he is going to marry Nyambura, and so on.

Waiyaki rebuts all this then goes on to remind them of the basics, repeating the creation story, how Murungu the Creator created Gikuyu and Mumbi, father and mother of the tribe, then gave the people the land in perpetuity (p.141).

He does all this in order to make his one big political pitch: they must unite, overcoming the differences between Joshua and Kabonyi, because only by being united do they stand a chance of kicking the white man off their land.

However, his best efforts are defeated by Kabonyi, who makes a massive deal about the central importance to their values of keeping an oath, especially the oath administered by the Kimia to maintain the purity of the tribe – and then shocks everyone by declaring that Waiyaki is going to marry Joshua’s daughter, thus bringing impurity into the tribe and breaking his oath. And at this moment he gets his son, Kamau, to bring Nyambura before the meeting and dares Waiyaki to renounce her.

Waiyaki steps over to Nyambura, takes her in his arms and there is a great big expectant silence. He is about to declare his love and explain that no oath can prevent love, when a woman screams ‘The oath!’ and the cry is taken up by all the others and all his efforts to speak are drowned out.

On the last part of the novel’s final page Waiyaki realises all his efforts have been for nothing, as he is drowned out in a torrent of catcalling and abuse. Members of the Kamia rise to say that he and Nyambura will be placed in the hands of the Kimia who will judge them and decide what to do.

The crowd melts away, guilty at what it has done to their great Teacher, until everyone has left the meeting place and night falls once again over the ridges of Makuyu and Kameno and only the steady throb of the river that runs between can be heard in the darkness.

What will happen to Waiyaki? In a sense it doesn’t matter, because his whole political pitch for unity among the people has been rejected for the shorter-term aims of Kabonyi who wants to beat the other black faction (the Chsistians). And Thiong’o doesn’t have to draw the moral that this is exactly what happened to post-independence African governments, who consistently put the triumph of their own ethnic, tribal or regional faction over the interests of the nation as a whole.

Thoughts

African disunity

That’s what the novel is a parable of, the inability of Africans to unify against the common enemy, the same theme as in Weep Not, Child where the black landowner throws in his lot with the white men against his own people. And this disunity carried on after independence in the form of political parties which reflected tribal and regional groupings and so could never be reconciled to work together. Divided they fell.

Thiong’o’s writing

African literature and Kenyan literature in particular, had to start somewhere, and Thiong’o went on to produce reams of novels, essays, plays, political commentary and criticism, setting an early model for Kenyan authors and activists. Well and good. And these early novels amply explain traditional tribal values from the inside, while dramatising the issues raised by the initial coming of the white man, and then the land theft of full-blown colonialism, with the agonising choices individuals caught in a changing world had to make. Good.

But, to be honest, these novels are weak. Weak with strong moments. At moments his intentions mesh with his limited style and produce scenes of force and conviction. But mostly his text lapses into laughable melodrama, simple-minded psychology and his prose becomes a tissue of clichés. All the characters experience their experiences and feelings directly, like children, with no detachment, irony or sophistication. They are angry. They are sad. They are happy. Like characters in a Janet and John book. No depth, no subtlety to savour and enjoy. Which makes them profoundly, stultifyingly boring.

And then I think I’m being too critical, and that Thiong’o was the first guy to really achieve this level of articulacy and publication in his entire country and culture, so maybe instead of picking nits I should be celebrating his achievements. Probably. But unlike Achebe, I wouldn’t recommend these books to anyone.


Credit

The River Between by Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o was first published by William Heinemann in 1965. References are to the 2002 Penguin Classics paperback edition.

Related reviews

King Leopold’s Ghost by Adam Hochschild (1998) – part two

I first read this book seven years ago and gave a reasonable summary of its content in a blog post.

Now I’m rereading it after reading three other books which cover at least part of the same subject matter, Frank McLynn’s Hearts of Darkness and Tim Jeal’s biography of Henry Morton Stanley and group biography of the five British explorers involved in the quest for the source of the river Nile. This blog post records impressions from reading Hochschild’s book second time round.

Leopold and Stanley

For a start, it’s quite a long time till the account of the atrocities committed in King Leopold’s Congo Free State kicks in. The book has about 320 pages of text and it’s only around page 130 that we begin to hear about the increasingly rapacious organisation of the Congo state and its appalling police service, the Force Publique. In other words, nearly half the book consists of background and buildup. And this mostly consists of a lot of biographical material on the two central figures, King Leopold himself and the explorer Stanley.

Leopold

Leopold II’s childhood was lonely and cold: he had to make appointments to talk to either his father or mother, who didn’t care much for him, so the king grew up aloof, distant, socially maladroit and compensated by obsessing over the minutiae of royal protocol.

During the course of his researches Hochschild has obviously come to loathe Leopold and he clearly relishes dishing the dirt on him, revelling in the fact that the king was a regular visitor to a chain of high-class brothels which traded in young girls, some as young as 12, who were guaranteed virgins to be deflowered by the cream of British and continental society.

But what comes over in spades from Hochschild’s account is what a two-faced, calculating and cunning manipulator Leopold was of all around him, which included ambassadors from all the major nations as well as leading philanthropists. They all fell for his humanitarian rhetoric and pose of selflessness, but there is much more, Hochschild detailing the care with which Leopold and his fixers bribed and cajoled and pulled the wool over the eyes of politicians, journalists and missionaries, inviting them to his palace, flattering and smooth-talking them. When bad news started to leak out about the atrocities being carried out in his colony, Leopold’s techniques for managing the press and damage limitation would put a modern PR company to shame.

Stanley

But it’s the Stanley material which is more striking. Hochschild is accepts the ‘black legend’ of Henry Morton Stanley hook, line and sinker, giving the kind of relentlessly negative account which Tim Jeal set out to single-handedly overthrow in his epic biography. Hochschild takes at face value:

  • Stanley’s own accounts of the size of his expeditions and the number of personnel lost during them (which Jeal shows to both be exaggerations)
  • Stanley’s own accounts of his brutal punishments of deserters and thieves (which Jeal shows to the exceptions rather than the rule, and shows only took place on particular, unusual occasions)
  • the harsh criticism of Stanley by other explorers (which Jeal says were motivated by jealousy, for example Richard Burton’s rancorous envy) and by the British press (which Jeal said was animated by anti-Americanism)

Hochschild goes out of his way to claim that Stanley’s bad luck with a string of failed fiancées (getting engaged to several young women, then breaking it off when he disappeared into Africa for years) was a result of his pathological ‘fear of women’.

He returns to the theme half way through the book when he describes Stanley’s 1890 grand public wedding in Westminster Abbey in considerable detail, noting that Stanley was chronically ill on the day, had to be helped up the aisle, and spent the entire reception lying in a darkened room in agony from gastritis. Hochschild uses his wedding to write confidently about Stanley’s ‘craving for acceptance’ and ‘fear of intimacy’ before going on to repeat Frank McLynn’s speculation that Stanley’s marriage to the society painter Dorothy Tennant was never consummated because of the lifelong revulsion from sex he picked up during his miserable childhood in a public workhouse (p.151).

God, I’d hate to be famous for anything and know that before the earth is cold on my grave rival biographers would be picking over my relationship with my family and every single woman I ever went out with, speculating the character of my mum and dad, using bucket psychology to pin me with their tawdry labels, using every blog post, letter or diary entry I ever wrote to work up their cheap theories about my psychology and sex life. God. The poor victims of the modern biographer.

That it’s all complete speculation leaps out at you when Hochschild concedes that other biographers think that Stanley did consummate his marriage. Some do, some don’t. You might as well flip a coin.

And not only is this all utterly speculative bucket psychology but it’s all out of date, for when Hochschild describes McLynn as Stanley’s ‘most thorough biographer’ the reader realises his book was written before Tim Jeal’s epic biography of Stanley, which benefited from access to thousands of previously unexamined letters, journals and so on in the royal archives in Belgium and so is in a position to paint a much more subtle, nuanced and sympathetic portrait of Stanley the man.

I find it surreal beyond belief that a whole succession of grown men – professional academics and historians – have devoted so much mental energy to the issue of whether Henry Stanley’s erect penis ever entered Dorothy Tennant’s vagina. In the middle of a book about atrocities committed against millions of Africans this dogged speculation about Stanley’s sex life is bizarre beyond belief.

That Hochschild is simultaneously repelled and bored by Stanley is indicated by his dismissal of everything Stanley did with sardonic repetition:

  • Stanley’s usual two-volume thousand-page bestseller turned out to be only one of many books written about the Emin Pasha expedition…
  • Stanley threw his usual temper tantrums…
  • As always Stanley bungled his choice of subordinates…

But despite his strong anti-Stanley animus, Hochschild can’t directly implicate Stanley in any of the atrocities themselves. The opposite: he shows in some detail how Stanley was edged out of Leopold’s plans as the late 1880s turned into the 1890s, for a number of reasons. 1. Leopold knew Stanley was stroppy and opinionated and would be difficult to manage and manipulate, as he manipulated so many other world leaders, Belgian politicians, missionaries and journalists.

2. More importantly, France. As the 1880s progressed, it became increasingly important to Leopold to placate France, the imperial power which claimed most of the territory to the north of the Congo, represented by the charismatic explorer, Pierre Savorgnan de Brazza. Soon after completing his epic trek along the Congo in 1879, Stanley wrote letters and articles calling for Britain to take control of the Congo, a suggestion he repeated frequently, in public and which risked antagonising the delicate working relationship Leopold was forging with Paris.

The French were obsessed that Leopold’s amateur venture would collapse and that the hated British would then step in to run this huge area of central Africa and that this would amount to yet another slap in the face for the touchy Frogs.

Leopold managed to quell their anxieties for good by signing an agreement in law that if Belgian rule – and the companies he’d set up to manage it – collapsed, the French would legally have first dibs on the vacated territory. Not the hated British. The French were content with that and backed off, allowing Leopold to continue his plans his own way. But Stanley, far from being an accomplice of Leopold’s, represented a risk which is why the king kept him dangling on a retainer but never gave him the governorship he craved or any other significant work to do once the road was built by about 1884. Stanley was sidelined and out of the picture well before any of the atrocities began.

The post 9/11 perspective

As it happens I’m reading this book just after the Americans completed their withdrawal from Afghanistan on 31 August 2021 and just as we all approach the twentieth anniversary of the 9/11 attacks on 11 September.

King Leopold’s Ghost is littered with Hochschild’s easy sarcasm about Victorian Europe’s claims to be bringing ‘civilisation’ to barbarians, to want to set up schools for the natives, end the slave trade, create a transport infrastructure, bring commerce and raise the living standards of the impoverished locals.

Absolutely all of this reads very differently as I watch the TV footage of the last American planes leaving Kabul airport and of hundreds of locals desperately chasing after them as the West i.e. America abandons its attempt to bring civilisation to the locals, to set up schools, end the Taliban’s oppressive rule, improve the transport infrastructure, bring commerce and raise the living standards of the impoverished locals.

Hochschild writes with lofty American disdain for 1. the hypocrisy of the European colonial nations who claimed to be bringing ‘civilisation’ but instead brought only hard-headed commercial transactions and exploitation. 2. He says the Europeans rode roughshod over the native culture and the complex web of tribes and traditional political authority which covered the region in multiple complex forms. 3. And his central theme is how quickly so-called ‘enlightened intervention’ descended into barbarism and exploitation, as native uprisings prompted terrible crackdowns and massacres. His book reeks of smug condescension.

But every time he made another sarcastic comment about the discrepancy between the European colonialists’ high-toned claims of bringing ‘civilisation’ and the reality of the crude violence and exploitation they inflicted, I thought: Iraq War. 150,000 dead, at a minimum (Wikipedia). Abu Ghraib torture and prisoner abuse. ‘Enhanced interrogation techniques’ including waterboarding. Extraordinary rendition i.e. kidnapping people and spiriting them away to permanent imprisonment without trial in Guantanamo Bay. The Sunni Insurgency. Improvised explosive devices. An entire nation plunged into violent anarchy for a generation, while a large percentage of the trillion or so dollars America allegedly spent on the country went straight into the pockets of American arms manufacturers and private  security contractors.

Americans show European colonialists how to bring civilisation and respect for human rights to a developing country

And I thought Afghanistan. $2 trillion spent. Vast amounts on training the local security forces to cope with insurgencies. 110,000 Afghans killed or injured, over 3,500 coalition deaths. As many as 30,000 American private contractors making a fortune out of government contracts. And in the end, what was it all for? The security forces which the allies spent hundreds of billions training collapsed like a pack of cards within days of the Americans leaving. And many locals had been permanently alienated from the West and its puppet government by random and unpunished American atrocities. How mass killings by US forces after 9/11 boosted support for the Taliban.

Not as easy as you thought, is it, going into a developing country, overthrowing its government and expecting the locals to love you.

When Stanley flogged members of his caravan who tried to desert or stole precious food supplies in the 1870s, he did it in an age when flogging was still a legal punishment in schools and in the army, such as the Confederate Army which Stanley served in during the American Civil War. When the Americans captured, imprisoned, tortured and waterboarded their Iraqi suspects in the 2000s they were doing it sixty years after the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was meant to have abolished such practices for ever.

The Wikipedia article about extraordinary rendition quotes former CIA case officer Bob Baer saying:

‘If you want a serious interrogation, you send a prisoner to Jordan. If you want them to be tortured, you send them to Syria. If you want someone to disappear—never to see them again—you send them to Egypt.’

This is the mindset of the greatest military force the world has ever seen as it extended its grasp, overt or covert, across the Arab world after 9/11: kidnap, torture, murder and massacre.

All of this was being raked over on the TV and in newspapers and magazines day after day at the exact moment I was reading Hochschild telling me how wicked and hypocritical the nineteenth century European colonisers were, how bigoted against the Arabs, how quick to extreme violence, how hypocritical in cloaking their real commercial motives under high-sounding rhetoric.

While all around me the serious British media were reflecting on 20 years of US intervention in Afghanistan and Iraq, not to mention Syria, Lebanon, Egypt, Libya. Which Middle Eastern and Asian Muslim nations have not benefited from the carefully planned and skillfully executed interventions of peace-loving America?

In this respect, Hochschild’s book is a good example of the hubris shown by so many contemporary historians who feel free to glibly patronise people in the past and point out their manifold failings on the assumption that we, in our super-digital 21st century, are oh-so-morally superior to our ancestors. But are we?

And it’s all the more vexatious when the historian patronising European colonialists for their wretched interventions in developing countries is an American, writing from amid the ruins of American foreign policy and the beacon of enlightened democracy which was the Trump administration.

Thou hypocrite, first cast out the beam out of thine own eye; and then shalt thou see clearly to cast out the mote out of thy brother’s eye. (Matthew 7:5)

‘Arab’ slave traders?

Hochschild also deploys his trademark sarcasm whenever the subject of ‘Arab’ slave traders comes up. Unlike the McLynn and Jeal books, and all the passages about the wickedness of the Arab slave trade they quote from the writings of Livingstone, Burton, Speke and Stanley – Hochschild goes out of his way to assert that hardly any of the slave traders were, in fact, Arab. He claims most were ‘Afro-Arab’ at best, ‘Swahili-speaking Africans’ who adopted Arab dress and Islam but ‘only some of them were of partly Arab descent’ (p.28).

Arab was a misnomer; Afro-Arab would have been more accurate. Although their captives often ended up in the Arab world, the traders on the African mainland were largely Swahili-speaking Africans from territory that today is Kenya and Tanzania. Many had adopted Arab dress and Islam, but only some of them were of even partly Arab descent. Nonetheless, from Edinburgh to Rome, indignant books and speeches and sermons denounced the vicious ‘Arab’ slavers – and with them, by implication, the idea that any part of Africa might be colonised by someone other than Europeans. (p.28)

Note the tell-tale sarcastic swipe at European amour propre in the final sentence. Anyway, this assertion is completely contrary to everything I’ve read in the other books on the subject.

1. Consider the most famous slaver of the era, Tippu Tip. According to Wikipedia:

Tippu Tip, or Tippu Tib (1832 to 1905), real name Ḥamad ibn Muḥammad ibn Jumʿah ibn Rajab ibn Muḥammad ibn Saʿīd al Murjabī (Arabic: حمد بن محمد بن جمعة بن رجب بن محمد بن سعيد المرجبي‎), was an Afro-Arab ivory and slave trader, explorer, governor and plantation owner…His father and paternal grandfather were coastal Arabs of the Swahili Coast who had taken part in the earliest trading expeditions to the interior. His paternal great-grandmother, wife of Rajab bin Mohammed bin Said el Murgebi, was the daughter of Juma bin Mohammed el Nebhani, a member of a respected Muscat (Oman) family, and a Bantu woman from the village of Mbwa Maji, a small village south of what would later become the German capital of Dar es Salaam.

So Tippu had a soupçon of African blood in an otherwise solidly Arab geneology.

2. Zanzibar became the centre of the East African slave trade when it was annexed by pureblood Arabs:

In 1832 Said bin Sultan, Sultan of Muscat and Oman moved his capital from Muscat, Oman to Stone Town [on Zanzibar]. After Said’s death in June 1856, two of his sons, Thuwaini bin Said and Majid bin Said, struggled over the succession…Until around 1890, the sultans of Zanzibar controlled a substantial portion of the Swahili coast known as Zanj, which included Mombasa and Dar es Salaam. (Wikipedia)

3. Or take the famous massacre of some 400 Congolese women and children at the village of Nyangwe the river Lualaba which Livingstone witnessed on 15 July 1871. This was carried out by armed men at the command of the notorious Arab slaver Dugumbé ben Habib.

Hochschild may have germs of truth in that some or many of the slave traders might have had African blood. But all the accounts I’ve read and the three salient facts I’ve just quoted tend to confirm that the majority of the trade was solidly in the hand of Muslim Arabs, Arabs who, moreover, I’ve read quotes from saying how much they despised Africans, how Africans’ live meant nothing until they could be sold in the slave markets of Zanzibar, and scores of accounts of Arab slave caravan captains shooting, tying to trees or burning alive slaves too sick to make the long trek from the villages where they were captured to the coast.

So why does Hochschild go out of his way to make his claim that the Arab slave traders weren’t really Arabs and for the rest of the book refer to ‘Arab’ slave traders in quote marks? Because it allows him one more way of slagging off the European nations and the ‘white man’. The tendency of his sarcastic comments is that Britain’s anti-slavery rhetoric was a hollow sham dressing up the fact that it allowed the white man to indulge his anti-Islamic bigotry. It justified rampant Islamophobia. Of those wicked wicked nineteenth century Europeans!

a) This is so contrary to the quotes from Livingstone, Stanley, Speke and even Baker that depict in great detail the genuinely evil ways of what all the witnesses unanimously agree was the Arab slave trade that it comes over as a slightly ludicrous twisting of the facts to fit Californian Hochschild’s anti-European bias. Livingstone really was disgusted and appalled by the wickedness of the slave traders, he wrote heartfelt letters back to England saying something must be done to save the Africans, and this prompted thousands of brave missionaries and educators to set off for darkest Africa to set up schools and guilted the British government into doing more to crack down on slavery, including forcing the Sultan of Zanzibar to close down its famous slave market.

b) His claim of anti-Arab bigotry sits oddly with the evidence that most of the British explorers and later colonial administrators were biased in favour of Arabs. Richard Burton spoke Arabic and admired the Arabs for their culture and religion, as did Samuel Baker, as did Sir Harold MacMichael, administrator of Sudan in the 1920s who respected the Arabs in the north and despised the Africans of the south – all part of a strand of pro-Arab British feeling which continued down to Lawrence of Arabia and bedevilled British attempts to manage their inter-war mandate in Palestine.

c) Hochschild’s defence of – by implication – the innocent ‘Arabs’ so horribly wronged in European accounts of the region reads very amusingly in a post-9/11 world, particularly in the early years after 2001 when you could read some very ripe comments from previously liberal and progressive American commentators about Arabs and Islam. Nothing any Victorian author wrote about Islam was as vitriolic as the opinions of scores of Yankee commentators after the twin towers were bombed.

Overall it now reads like rich, fat hypocrisy for Hochschild to accuse the late Victorians of dressing up commercially-motivated imperialism under anti-Islamic rhetoric, given everything which his country has done in Iraq and Afghanistan over the 20 years following 9/11.

George Washington Williams (1849 to 1891)

Williams was a rare example of a free black man in nineteenth century America who made his mark in an impressive variety of professions and ended up hobnobbing with the president. During his 41 year life Williams managed to serve as a soldier in the American Civil War and in Mexico before becoming a Baptist minister, politician, lawyer, journalist, and writer.

He appears in this narrative because during the late 1880s he developed a plan for returning Afro-Americans who were suffering under the so-called ‘Reconstruction’ of the American South back to Africa. The publicity surrounding the great philanthropist Leopold’s plans for the Congo spurred Williams to make the pilgrimage to Brussels (funding himself by contracting to write travel articles for an American magazine) for an audience with the great humanitarian himself who was, as usual, all smooth words and assurances.

So Williams then sailed on to the Congo which he travelled up slowly, taking extensive notes. What he saw shocked and horrified him. Scene after scene of violence, brutality and corruption. Many of the Congolese had been reduced to the level of slaves, whipped with the notorious chicotte and brutally intimidated into collecting what was, at that point, the colony’s key export, ivory.

From Stanley Falls Williams wrote ‘An Open Letter to His Serene Majesty Leopold II, King of the Belgians and Sovereign of the Independent State of Congo’ in July 1890. Hochschild says it gave a good summary of the methods of exploitation and slave labour the Belgians were already using, as well as laying down the framework of criticism which was to be used by all later campaigners: that everything was done in the king’s name and so he was completely responsible for the mass mutilations and murders. Williams called for an international commission to investigate.

His letter was published as a pamphlet and caused a furore (p.112). Hochschild shows how Leopold set his tame pets in the press and positions of power to rubbish all the accusations. Travelling back to Europe up the Nile, Williams became ill in Cairo, and managed to get as far as Blackpool in north-west England where he died on August 2, 1891, aged 41. By that time over 1,000 Europeans had visited and worked in the Congo but Williams was the only one with the guts, and morality, to be horrified and tell the truth.

And he was, contrary to Hochschild’s sarcasms about the hypocrisy of the Western Christian concern for the African, a Western Christian, a devout and earnest Baptist, for it was Protestant missionaries who were to provide most of the testimony and evidence for the global campaign against Leopold’s brutal regime in the Congo which I will describe in my next blog post.

Notes and details

I’d forgotten that after the Mahdi and his army of Islamic fundamentalists took Khartoum (in January 1885), killed General Gordon and massacred the city’s army garrison and civilian population, he went on to rule the city and region uninterrupted for the next 12 years. And that – here’s the thing – soon after the conquest, the Mahdi sent a message to Queen Victoria demanding that she come to the Sudan, convert to Islam and submit to his rule (p.97).

Now that is a counter-factual scenario worth imagining! I’d love to see a painting in the realist late-Victorian style of a fat Queen Victoria kneeling and bending her forehead right down to the ground before the magnificently robed Mahdi who graciously accepts the obeisance of the queen-empress and the conversion of all her peoples to the True Religion.

Credit

King Leopold’s Ghost: A Story of Greed, Terror and Heroism in Colonial Africa by Adam Hochschild was published by Mariner Books in 1998. All references are to the 2012 Pan paperback edition.


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Explorers of the Nile: the triumph and tragedy of a great Victorian adventure by Tim Jeal (2011) part two

‘[Dr Livingstone] left an obligation on the civilised nations of Europe and America, as the shepherds of the world, to extend their care and protection over the oppressed races of Africa.’
(Henry Morton Stanley in his obituary of Livingstone published in the Graphic magazine, 1873)

Expeditions covered in the second half of the book

  • Stanley’s expedition to find Livingstone, 1871 to 1872
  • Livingstone’s final expedition, 1872 to 1873
  • Stanley’s great expedition across Africa from East to West, 1874 to 1879
  • Stanley working for King Leopold II of Belgium, 1879 to 1885
  • The Emin Pasha Relief Expedition, 1886 to 1889

This is the third version of the meeting between Welsh workhouse boy-turned-American journalist Henry Morton Stanley and famous Scottish missionary and explorer Dr David Livingstone which I have read, and arguably the most effective.

This is because, in the preceding chapter (chapter 18) Jeal had given a clear and vivid description of how utterly prostrate Livingstone was, his obsession with tracing the river Lualaba crushed by porters paid by Arab slavers to refuse to accompany him, forced to return to the miserable slaver town of Ujiji on the west bank of Lake Tanganyika where he discovered that all the trading goods and supplies which had been carefully selected, bought and sent to him by Dr John Kirk, British consul in Zanzibar, had been treacherously sold off by the Arab in charge of delivering them, so that all his native porters abandoned him, leaving the man penniless, betrayed, abandoned and completely demoralised by the complete failure of his expedition to the Lualaba, the crushing of all his hopes as an explorer. That is the moment when Henry Morton Stanley walked into his compound, accompanied by hundreds of porters laden with supplies. So the reader understands why the meeting came as such a huge psychological relief to both men.

As to Stanley’s epic trek across Africa which revealed for the first time that the Luabala was a tributary of the Congo, I have covered that in my review of Jeal’s biography of Stanley.

The origins of the Nile and what is an ‘origin’?

On reflection, I think Jeal would have done better to have started this book with a factual description of the actual geography of the Nile, carefully explaining what we now understand of its modern course; because, with this information imprinted on our minds, the reader would be much better placed to understand the importance of all the discoveries and theories bandied about by the explorers whose expeditions he describes over the next 350 pages.

It is only on page 316, in the context of Stanley proving once and for all that the river Luabala did not flow north and east to form a tributary of the Nile, but instead flowed north and west to become the main tributary of the Congo, thus, in effect, confirming Speke’s discovery that the northern outlet of Lake Victoria is the origin of the White Nile – it is only here that Jeal, almost casually, comes clean and explains the entire modern understanding of the multiple sources of the Nile, referencing subsequent expeditions, in 1891, 1898, 1935, and as recently 2006, which have traced its origins further and further into obscure watercourses in Rwanda and Burundi.

And it is only tucked away in the heart of his book, that he raises a central question which is: How do you define the source of a river? Eventually all major rivers splinter into tributaries which themselves divide into contributory creeks and streams and springs and so on. How many do you include? How do you define The Source? Apparently Stanley said that, if you go that far, it was only a small step to attributing the origins of a river to the clouds passing overhead and the rain that falls.

Jeal, like the explorers, is happy to stop at the assertion that Lake Victoria is the source of the White Nile.

Some incidents

Stanley on the Congo

Stanley’s work for King Leopold II of Belgium, building a road up the river Congo, establishing way stations, transporting sections of steam ships along it which could be assembled above the Congo’s fearsome rapids, are all placed in the context of establishing the infrastructure for the wicked Congo Free State which Leopold was seeking to establish (described in detail in chapter 28).

De Brazza

Stanley’s work for Leopold is also placed in the context of international rivalry with France embodied by the attempts of French explorer Pierre Savorgnan de Brazza to claim the north side of the river Congo . This led, among other incidents, to the confrontation at Stanley Pool with Brazza, who had soldiers and tried to claim the south bank of the Congo for France. It was only by the resolute action of the British station chief at Kinshasa, young Anthony Swinburne, that the region, and what would go on to become Congo’s capital, remained in Leopold’s control.

The Congo situation was to be stabilised at the 1885 Conference of Berlin by the formal assignment of the vast region of the Congo to Leopold’s personal fief. Jeal covers all this but, because his focus is the Nile, he is most interested in the fate of central and East Africa.

Muslim versus Christian

Here the deep structural issue was whether the region would fall under Muslim or Christian domination. The Christian British were, in a sense, biased, identifying the cause of civilisation and progress with themselves and their religion. But most of the Brits involved knew the simple fact that Islam represented slavery, because east central Africa was being laid waste by a slave trade carried out entirely by Muslim Arabs, seizing black African slaves to ship them to the Arab Middle East, destroying entire villages, laying waste to areas, shooting slaves who were too weak or ill to trek the thousand miles to the coast.

Samuel Baker founds Equatoria

This is why those concerned for the region didn’t want it to fall under the control of Egypt, because Egyptian control would almost certainly involve the extension of slavery into the region of the Great African Lakes, Buganda, Bunyoro and so on.

Nonetheless, it was the noted explorer Sir Samuel White who penetrated south on the Nile with a host of soldiers and riverboats given by the Khedive of Egypt, and simply declared, without consulting any of the native rulers, the existence of a new southern province of Egypt which he named Equatoria, in May 1871.

This incident, peripheral to the quest for the source of the Nile, would go on to have long-term political ramifications which echo to this day.

Retreat to Fatiko

When Baker attempted to penetrate further south, he was met with fierce resistance from the army of king Kabarega of Banyoro and was forced to stage a fighting retreat to Fatiko, one of those defeats in the face of stronger African foes which were to be presented as a kind of moral victory in the British press (Isandlwana, 1879, Gordon and the Khartoum garrison massacred, 1885).

According to Jeal, it was the publicity surrounding Baker’s military expedition which first really publicised to many politicians and businessmen the geographic and commercial potential of opening up central Africa.

Stanley’s call for missionaries

This is why one of the most important events of the period was Stanley writing a letter, in May 1875, which was published in the Daily Telegraph, saying that the region was crying out for Christian missionaries to set up schools, educate the locals, encourage Western style trade, with a view to stamping out slavery and other barbarous practices like human sacrifices, to develop and raise the living standards of Africans. And the numerous missionary societies of Britain responded (p.302).

Almost inevitably, when the missionaries came, they faced the same kind of antagonism and sometimes horrific violence which the explorers had faced or witnessed but, by and large survived, because the latter had guns and were moving through, not settling in, dangerous territories.

Atrocities against missionaries

In January 1885 Mwanga king of Buganda, arrested the missionary Mackay and had three of his young black converts taken from the mission school, their arms hacked off, and then slowly roasted to death on a spit (p.348). In October 1885 Bishop James Hannington who had been sent by the CMS to become the first bishop of East Africa, was arrested by Mwanga and speared to death along with all 50 of his porters (p.349). On 30 June 1886 Mwanga arrested and executed 45 Catholic and Protestant converts, strangling several with his own hands, having the others castrated and burned alive (p.349).

These sorts of atrocities inevitably caused outrage in the newspapers and forced European governments to step in ‘and so something’ to protect our gallant missionaries. Thus the 1890s saw a wave of annexations and mandates, Malawi in 1892, Uganda declared a protectorate on 27 August 1894.

Rivalry with Germany

It must also be noted that, if the British endured a rivalry with a France determined to push east from their West African possessions, beyond Chad, across the desert and into Egyptian and Sudanese territory, and south as far as the Congo, the British also faced rivalry with Germany in East Africa.

Chancellor Bismarck sent envoys to sign deals with local rulers, amassing influence over such a large area that eventually it justified a full-blown diplomatic agreement between the two governments, in 1886, which secured for Germany the southern portion of the region which was to become Tanganyika, and present-day Tanzania.

In response, the British government approved the granting of a royal charter to Sir William Mackinnon’s Imperial British East Africa Company, sowing the seeds of what was to evolve into Uganda and Kenya (pages 362 to 363).

Wikipedia has two maps which vividly contrast territorial ‘ownership’ of Africa in 1880 and 1913, before and after the great ‘scramble for Africa’. Apart from showing the obvious way in which an entire continent was gobbled up by half a dozen European powers, the two things which stand out for me are 1. The extent of French possession, coloured blue. 2. The fact that German East Africa (dark grey) presented an impassible obstacle to imperialists like Cecil Rhodes who wanted to create one unified band of British colonies stretching the length of Africa. How frustrated he must have been!

Political geography of Africa 1880 and 1913. Source: Wikipedia

The Emin Pasha relief expedition 1886 to 1889

I’ve summarised the Emin Pasha Relief Expedition in my summary of Jeal’s Stanley biography. Suffice to say that, as in his descriptions of Livingstone’s two last expeditions or Stanley’s trans-Africa trek, arguably the summaries Jeal gives in this book are better than the ones in the Stanley book because they are much shorter, much punchier, and focus on the key events and decisions: I understood the importance of Stanley’s fateful decisions during the Emin Pasha expedition much better from the 10-page summary given in this book (pages 365 to 375) than from the several chapters devoted to it in the Stanley biography which, for me, buried the important things in a sea of details. In particular, the notorious moral collapse of the Rear Column into Kurz-like barbarism is much more vivid when compressed onto just two pages (pages 371 to 372).

Royal Navy anti-slavery

It gets very little publicity but the British government tasked the Royal Navy with maintaining squadrons whose sole purpose was to intercept slave ships and quell the ocean-borne slave trade.

During the nineteenth century, 17,000 members of the Royal Navy died as a result of their service with the West and East African Anti-Slave Trade Squadrons. (p.362)

Part two

Part two of Jeal’s book is titled ‘The Consequences’ and deals with just that, the long term consequences of all this imperial jostling for African territory at the end of the nineteenth century. I’d read almost all the stories Jeal tells of the earlier expeditions in his biography of Stanley or Frank McLynn’s book about African exploration. Part two of Jeal’s book leaves all that Victoriana behind to deal with the dawning era of state-sponsored exploration. It broadens out to be about the general Scramble for Africa during the 1880s and beyond – to my surprise, to a great deal beyond – in some instances (Sudan and Uganda) bringing the story right up to date, with summaries not only of their twentieth century histories, but their post-colonial political histories right up to the year the book was published, 2011.

Sudan

In both countries Jeal says the British made a series of fateful mistakes. In Sudan it was yoking together the utterly different Muslim Arabs of the north with the African animists and Christians of the south. Since the British got on better with the Arabs, who had more Western-friendly economic and social systems, the northerners inherited most of the political, economic and military levers of power and looked down on the black African southerners. Jeal singles out the British commissioner Sir Harold MacMichael (served 1916 to 1933) for refusing to even visit the south for his first seven years in post and then being so shocked by its primitive condition that he perversely refused to encourage investment in it.

All this made it almost inevitable that, once the country was granted independence, many in the south would want their own government. South Sudan tried to secede in 1955, leading to a civil war which continued on and off for over 60 years until South Sudan gained its independence as a nation state in July 2011. (With depressing inevitability a civil war then broke out within south Sudan in 2013 which lasted till last year, 2020.)

In other words, the long term consequence of Britain drawing the borders of the territory as it did, and administering it as it did, was long term instability, war and suffering.

Uganda

The other major British error Jeal lingers on, was not retaining the region of Equatoria, claimed and invented by Baker in 1872 in the name of the Khedive of Egypt, as a distinct country.

Although it contained numerous tribes, the inhabitants of Equatoria had the advantage of being related by language and tradition. Instead the British made the disastrous mistake of dividing Equatoria along a horizontal line through the middle and assigning the northern half to Sudan and the southern half to Uganda, a decision taken by Sir Harry Johnston in 1899. Jeal goes into some detail as to how the inclusion of the Equatorial kingdoms, of Baganda in particular, helped to unbalance the tribal makeup of Uganda from the start.

Jeal gives a brisk summary of Uganda’s history after it gained independence from Britain in 1962, namely: the rise of a typical African dictator or Big Man, Milton Obote; a crisis caused by how to handle the semi-independent nation of Buganda within Uganda: Obote suspends the constitution in a 1966 coup and rules as a dictator until he was overthrown by his military leader Idi Amin, who himself emerged as a murderous tyrant ruling for 8 years until himself overthrown when the army of neighbouring Tanzania along with Ugandan exiles invaded and restored Obote for the next 6 years (1980 to 1986). Currently Uganda is ruled by former general Yoweri Museveni, who overthrew the previous regime in 1986 and has ruled a one-party state ever since.

Summarising the plight of both countries, Jeal says:

Britain should have stayed longer in Sudan and Uganda, should have spent more money there and better prepared these countries for independence. (p.418)

The case for intervention

In his final pages Jeal recapitulates the case for European intervention in the area of central Africa he’s been describing. One of the central motives was to stamp out the slave trade which the big five explorers he focuses on (Livingstone, Burton, Speke, Grant and Stanley) witnessed, described and railed against with passion and persistence.

Jeal argues that if the Christian European nations had not intervened in central Africa, the area would not have remained a pristine paradise, as some anti-colonialists claim. It had already been heavily despoiled by the Arab slave trade which was encroaching deeper and deeper into the interior with every year, bringing devastation, mass murder and enslavement.

The whole of central equatorial Africa would have become part of the Muslim world, with slavery an inescapable part of it, unless the colonial powers had come to stay. (p.430)

On this reading the case against the Europeans isn’t that they colonised Africa, as such. Jeal goes out of his way to assert that the British in particular did bring impartial justice, schools, education, railways, roads and economic development which lifted most Africans out of grinding poverty to levels of affluence and literacy inconceivable only a few generations earlier.

No, the case against the European colonialists is that they made terrible decisions about borders and administrative regions, tried to run their colonies on the cheap, ignored native traditions and chieftains and kingdoms in preference for a British style central administration and parliamentary democracy and that, when they handed all this over to African rulers in the 1960s, it quickly became obvious that the countries couldn’t be ruled by Westminster-style politics, but only from the barrel of a gun in the hands of the country’s strongest institution – the army.

The criticism is not that Britain colonised Africa. It’s that the British did it so badly. Upon independence, the continent’s 3,000 ethnic groups ended up divided up into 47 nation states. Colonialism lasted just long enough to destroy centuries-old beliefs in animism, spirits and personal responsibility, but not long enough to imprint the universal literacy and faith in education which underpins the success of the West. The complete inappropriateness of imposing a Westminster-style parliamentary system onto nations with radically different traditions and definitions of power and authority, led almost all of them to collapse and be replaced by the rule of Big Men backed by the army. In the mid-1990s there were 31 civil wars raging in Africa, resulting either from the terribly drawn boundaries or the deliberate incitements of Big Men (p.434).

Responsibility

It seems to me attributing ‘responsibility’ or ‘guilt’ for the dire post-independence fates of many African nations is pointless. Identifying errors and mistaken decisions with a view to avoiding them in future or using the analysis to try and address current problems might be a worthwhile activity. But blaming some white guy for what he said or wrote 150 years ago seems futile. It’s only a form of self-promoting rhetoric and psychological bonding for the righteous who like to make those kind of criticisms. Blaming ‘the white man’ or ‘the West’ or ‘Europe’ hardly seems very practical to me.

As Jeal candidly admits, the violent and semi-genocidal actions of the Islamic government in Khartoum dwarf anything the colonial authorities ever did. Similarly, Idi Amin’s regime undertook large-scale repression of sections of Uganda’s population, which may led to as many as 500,000 deaths and the wholescale expulsion of the country’s entire Asian population (30,000 came to the UK, some 10,000 to other western nations).

The idea that what exactly Speke said to Burton in Aden 150 years ago is given more space in the book than the massacres commissioned by the governments of Sudan and Uganda almost amounts to a subtle kind of racism, or at the very least, bias, whereby what one white man said or wrote 150 years ago is considered more important than the death of 100,000 Africans in the recent past.

To put it another way, once your mind is contemplating the murderous post-independence regimes of Sudan or Uganda, being concerned about what exactly Speke said to Burton 150 years ago seems absurd and irrelevant. In a way the brutal realities Jeal describes in the last 30 or 40 pages of his book, make the entire account of the Victorian explorers seem like a fairy tale, like a weightless fiction, like Alice in Wonderland.

Attributing some kind of responsibility to the colonial authorities who took bad decisions from the late 1890s through to the 1950s is probably a more worthwhile activity, but Jeal zips through this final part of the book at top speed. The colonial and post-independence history of two nations like Sudan and Uganda are just too big and complex to be managed in such a short space, and by an author who is much more at home investigating Stanley’s father complex or Baker’s love for his slave wife. In other words, is happier retailing ripping yarns of Victorian derring-do than giving a dryer, cold-blooded analysis of contemporary African politics.

Still, I suppose it’s to Jeal’s credit that he doesn’t just end the book with the fiasco of the Emin Pasha Relief Expedition in 1889, as he might have done but makes an attempt to bring it up to date, skimpy though it feels.

Up until the last 40 or so pages Explorers of the Nile: the triumph and tragedy of a great Victorian adventure is full of extraordinary stories of Victorian heroism and endurance, illness and obsession. It is entirely fitting that this book was turned into a series of BBC Radio 4. It has exactly that Radio 4 feel of comforting, white bourgeois, public school nostalgia. And if you’re in that kind of mood, why not? But the harsh realities described in the final passages make you realise that that world – of dashing Victorian chaps – only really survives between the covers of this kind of Radio 4-friendly history.

Logocentrism

Mind you, this aspect of Jeal’s book, namely the foregrounding of European written accounts over African oral or unrecorded accounts, is a subset of the larger bias embedded in Western practice, which is the privileging of the written word.

Livingstone, Burton, Speke, Grant and Stanley are the subject of so many books not only because they are such epitomes for those who like tales of Victorian adventure, but because they wrote so much and so much of it is stored in libraries and archives. This presents potentially endless opportunities for each generation of biographers to rework the sources and present new versions of their lives. It guarantees a steady little cottage industry which keeps their names in the public eye, sort of (among fans of this kind of thing at any rate).

Whereas where are the biographies of the Africans they met, of King Kamrasi of the Bunyoro or King Mutesa of the Baganda, to name a couple of the most notable? What of all the other chieftains and leaders, let alone their hundreds of thousands of subjects?

There is a profound structural inequality not just in the fact that the West or, in this case, Britain, with its public schoolboy taste for foreign adventure encouraged by its public schoolboy publishing and public schoolboy bookselling industries, will carry on writing, publishing and consuming books of imperial derring-do for the foreseeable future and getting them comfortably serialised on Radio 4. But in the way that we in the West foreground writing and written sources, written accounts and written description, journals, diaries, letters and every form of text over other types of record or history (predominantly oral).

In this deep sense, the very way the subject of history is conceived and practiced in the West militates against cultures with alternative methods of recording the past. Consigns them to eternal silence and subordinateness.

The sources of the Nile

My major practical criticism of the book isn’t any of these: you get what you pay for and Jeal delivers an intelligent and pacy account of the five great Victorian explorers of Africa.

But I think even on its own terms, the book would have benefited from a better explanation of the actual sources of the Nile, which are only partly explained in a throwaway few pages around page 316. I had to google the subject to find out what current knowledge on the sources of the Nile is (and to be surprised that, right up to the present day, explorers are still claiming to have found the ‘real’ source, tucked away in the rainforests of Rwanda, so that there is still, surprisingly, scholarly debate on the subject). I think this could have been stated and explained, with maps, much more clearly; and that, on balance, the best place to have put it would have been at the start so the reader had the clearest sense possible of the geography, before commencing the accounts of the explorations.

Chief Cammorro’s view

‘Most people are bad; if they are strong they take from the weak. The good people are all weak; they are good because they don’t have the strength to be bad.’

The words of Cammorro, chief of the Latuka, as quoted by the explorer Sir Samuel Baker, who is not necessarily a reliable witness and who, possibly, put into the chief’s mouth his own hard-bitten and cynical views. But in the context of the violent Africa described in this book, very apposite whoever exactly said it.

Credit

Explorers of the Nile: the triumph and tragedy of a great Victorian adventure by Tim Jeal was published  by Faber and Faber in 2011. All references are to the 2012 paperback edition.


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