Selected Essays by Virginia Woolf – 3. Women and Fiction

The novel is the least concentrated form of art. (p.134)

Virginia Woolf’s writings about women, women and writing, women and fiction, are deeply felt and often inspiring, even if you’re not a woman or a writer of fiction. The one caveat is that, after you’ve read a certain number of her essays on the same subject, you find the same examples, anecdotes and arguments recurring. Bit samey. But then this is true of many other essayists. And if they’re good arguments and examples, why not?

Women and fiction

David Bradshaw’s selection of essays by Virginia Woolf for the Oxford World Classics is divided into four thematic areas.

  1. Reading and Writing
  2. Life-Writing
  3. Women and Fiction
  4. Looking On

This blog post summarises and comments on five of the six essays in the third section, ‘Women and Fiction’. The exception is ‘Memories of a Working Women’s Guild’ (1931), which I summarise in a separate post.

  1. The Feminine Note in Fiction (1905) [book review]
  2. Women Novelists (1918) [book review]
  3. Women and Fiction (1929)
  4. Professions for Women (1931) [a talk]
  5. Memories of a Working Women’s Guild (1931) [introduction to a collection of letters]
  6. Why? (1934) [article for a student magazine]

Obviously there is a strong feminist tone to Woolf’s essays about women and women writers and women and fiction but in my opinion none of the six are as powerful as Woolf’s book-length essay Three Guineas. Guineas is so seismic because it brings together such a wealth of scandalous evidence demonstrating the deep-rooted sexism and misogyny operating at every level of British society, not only in the dark Victorian days, but right up to its date of publication in the late 1930s. Reading it permanently changed my view of the plight of so many women in the Victorian century and on into Woolf’s time.

1. The Feminine Note in Fiction (1905: 2 pages)

W. L. (William Leonard) Courtney (1850 to 1928) was a philosopher, journalist and sometime fellow of New College, Oxford. He wrote a book called ‘The Feminine Note in Fiction’. You can read it online. This is very short review of the book which Woolf published the Guardian, 25 January 1905 i.e. right at the very start of her career, when she was just turning 23.

On page one of his book Courtney says there is a feminine note in fiction and studies eight women writers of the day to show it, but Woolf quickly points out that he doesn’t, in fact, succeed. (The women writers in question are Mrs Humphrey Ward, Gertrude Atherton, Mrs Woods, Mrs Voynich, Miss Robins, Miss Mary Wilson, along with the diaries of six other women from history.) And anyway:

Is it not too soon after all to criticise the ‘feminine note’ in anything? And will not the adequate critic of women be a woman?

She summarises some of Courtney’s propositions, that women:

  • are seldom artists, because they have a passion for detail which conflicts with the proper artistic proportion of their work – disproved by Sappho and Jane Austen
  • excel in ‘close analytic miniature work
  • are more happy when they reproduce than when they create
  • ‘s genius is for psychological analysis

Woolf says this is all very nice but there have been too few successful women novelists to tell; we’ll need to come back in 100 years to see if any of it is true.

Courtney is surprised to find the women novelists in his study to be so varied, which is laughable.

He makes the characteristically stupid intellectual argument that his age is one of special and particular decline, the same thing idiot writers have claimed in every year of recorded history. Thus he says that more and more novels are written by women for women and that, as a result, the novel as a work of art is disappearing. What an arse, one of the legion of clever misogynist idiots Woolf cites to such powerful effect in Three Guineas.

To all of which Woolf (still a very young woman) sensibly replies:

The first part of his statement may well be true; it means that women having found their voices have something to say which is naturally of supreme interest and meaning to women, but the value of which we cannot yet determine.

The assertion that the woman novelist is extinguishing the novel as a work of art seems to us, however, more doubtful.

It is, at any rate, possible that the widening of her intelligence by means of education and study of the Greek and Latin classics may give her that sterner view of literature which will make an artist of her, so that, having blurted out her message somewhat formlessly, she will in due time fashion it into permanent artistic shape.

So this short review is really notable for this last bit, for her already feeling the need for art and artistry and ‘permanent artistic shape’ in the novel, things she was, of course, to go on and try to give it.

2. Women Novelists (1918: 3 pages)

Reginald Brimley Johnson (1867 to 1932) was a literary critic, editor, author and publisher. In 1918 he published a book titled ‘The Women Novelists’. This is Woolf’s review of it, published in the Times Literary Supplement.

She praises it. She says Johnson has read more novels by women than anyone had heard of. Also he doesn’t make sweeping generalisations, but is very cautious in his conclusions. She calls Fanny Burney the mother of English fiction. She laments the way the burden of proof remained with women authors to justify herself, and the practical difficulties they laboured under: Jane Austen slipping her papers under a book whenever anyone came into the drawing room; Charlotte Bronte leaving off work to pare the potatoes.

When she notes the criticisms of immorality George Eliot laboured under and how they continue to constrict women writers in the preset (1918) you realise it wasn’t that long since Eliot died. George Eliot died in 1880, just two years before Woolf was born. This essay is from over a hundred years ago. Many women, like Woolf, were alive who had been born in the reign of Victoria and still remembered the terrible stifled life women led.

She makes the point that Charlotte Bronte and George Eliot didn’t just adopt men’s names so as to get published; but also to free their own minds from the matrix of restrictions placed not just on women’s social, legal and financial freedom, but on their imaginative freedom.

She repeats a point made in A Room of Ones Own and Three Guineas which is that, above and beyond the suppression of women, it’s making women authors self conscious of themselves as women which so often undermines their efforts to produce art. The truly independent artist is sexless; the issue of their sex doesn’t enter into it. They just create art.

She agrees with Johnson that all women’s writing must be marked as feminine but wonders what ‘feminine’ actually means. She thinks Johnson is wise in not reaching a conclusion about this but accepting that women writers radically differ. She quotes several of Johnson’s generalisations which all feel like sexist rubbish:

  • Women are born preachers and always work to an ideal.
  • Women is the moral realist, and her realism is not inspired by any ideal of art, but of sympathy with life.
  • George Eliot’s outlook remains thoroughly emotional and feminine.
  • Women are humorous and satirical rather than imaginative.
  • Women have a great sense of emotional purity than men but a less alert sense of honour.

This is why I think no-one should every generalise about the sexes: it’s impossible not to sound like an idiot.

She thinks you can immediately tell the difference between a male and a female author and, after all, this might have been true in the 1920s. She thinks as soon as they start to describe a character you can instantly tell whether it’s a male or female author.

The motive of criticising men may have motivated many women writers to take up authorship.

There are sides of each sex which are only really seen and know by the opposite sex.

3. Women and Fiction (1929: 8 pages)

Why did women suddenly start writing fiction in the mid-18th century? Why did they start producing classic after classic of English literature?

A difficulty answering this is that history is about men so that ‘very little is known about women’.

But we do know that it requires special circumstances to be able to write, time, freedom from practical worries, a space or room of one’s own, and all these for most of human history most women have lacked or, to be clearer, have been deprived of.

And then motherhood: of the four great nineteenth century women writers – Jane Austen, Emily Bronte, Charlotte Bronte, George Eliot – none had children and two were unmarried.

Why did they all write fiction, not epic poems or plays? Easy: ‘The novel is the least concentrated form of art’ (p.134). Readers are free to pick up and put down novels in a way you can’t do to poems or plays and the same is true of their authors, and she repeats the anecdote of Austen slipping her writings under a book or blotting pad when anyone came into the room or Charlotte Bronte breaking off writing to peel the potatoes.

Banned from undertaking any profession or work, middle class women were trapped in the home where they had precious little to do except observe the minutiae of each other’s behaviour. In other words, women were trained to become novelists.

She compares the maturity of George Eliot, disapproved of by society and locking herself away in St John’s Wood, with the wild life of Leo Tolstoy, soldier, playboy, traveller, thoroughly prepared by his society to be a novelist of astonishing breadth. (The Austen, Bronte and Eliot points are all made in A Room of One’s Own; they were obviously stock examples for Woolf.)

Being women writers led, in Woolf’s view, to impurity. What she means is that reading good women’s novels you’re always aware of an element of special pleasing; they protest against restrictions and lobby for the independence of their sex. However politically valid, this compromises their artistry, the work’s integrity. It needed a very strong mind to resist ‘the temptations to anger’ at women’s wholesale oppression, a feat only achieved by Jane Austen, whose work is pure and unsullied by resentment and grievance.

And so Woolf thinks the great change that has come over women’s writing in her days is the women are no longer angry and indignant. But many challenges remain.

One is the structure of language itself, which is male, made by men for men. The male sentence is ‘too lose, too heavy, too pompous’ for a woman’s use.

Then, men and women have different values, so that the very subject of the book, all its related smaller topics, descriptions and so on, are liable to clash with the values promoted by a male society. So that male critics are likely to find what women writers write about ‘weak or trivial or sentimental’ (p.136).

Nineteenth century women’s writing was likely to be skewed and impurified by special pleading for their sex and, in the same way, tended to by autobiographical, driven by the author’s need to share her suffering. Now, Woolf reckons, having passed through this phase, women are writing more about other women.

And in so doing she discovers that so much of women’s lives has been ephemeral, the meals cooked, the clothes washed, the children raised. Looking back there are no records or monuments. Thus women’s experience is like a dark continent, unexplored.

At the same time as this is being begun, legal impediments to women in the professions were being lifted and so current women novelists have this whole new subject to record: women coming in out of the shadows and entering the male world.

Thus she sums up contemporary women’s writing as brave, sincere. It is not bitter as the writing of the nineteenth century could be, and does not insist upon its femininity.

Again the essay ends with a description of her own practice. She says now women have won the vote and are allowed to enter the professions and earn a living, some women writers will become more socially conscious and critical and political. But there will be an equal and opposite reaction by which other women writers will reject the outside world altogether and cultivate their poetic facility. Be butterflies rather than gadflies.

Then she lets herself down a bit, and indicates the weakness of her position by saying this poetic turn will lead them to ‘examine the wider questions which the poet tries to solve – of our destiny and the meaning of life’ (p.138).

It’s odd that she’s so progressive in her analysis of the sociological situation of women and yet, when questioned on her artistic goals, steps right back into the nineteenth century, venerating a notion of The Poetic, The True and The Beautiful which hasn’t changed since the death of Keats in 1821.

She ends by saying more and more women have the leisure time and little money to write and out of this will hopefully come, fiction writing that is more poetic, but also women having the time to train for slightly more demanding genres such as essays, criticism, history and biography.

4. Professions for Women (1931: 5 pages)

In 1931 Woolf was invited to address the London branch of the National Society for Women’s Service. This is her talk.

She was invited to talk about her experiences in her profession. But her profession is an odd one, literature. So many women have been successful writers because there is such a low bar to entry: all you need to make a start is a pen and some paper.

She spends a couple of pages describing how the one thing she’s really proud of is killing the Angel of The House. This was the name of a hugely popular poem by the Victorian poet Coventry Patmore which, as the name suggests, depicted the stereotypical Victorian wife: selfless, kind, self-denying, retiring, modest, meek and pure. Woolf’s point is that when she began reviewing books she heard the voice of the Angel whispering over her shoulder, telling her to be modest, to respect the male author, not to say anything unbecoming an angel.

And so, in order to become herself, to become intellectually and imaginatively independent, she had to murder the Angel inside her.

Next she describes the demanding state a novelist has to cultivate:

I hope I am not giving away professional secrets if I say that a novelist’s chief desire is to be as unconscious as possible. She has to induce in himself a state of perpetual lethargy. She wants life to proceed with the utmost quiet and regularity. She wants to see the same faces, to read the same books, to do the same things day after day, month after month, while she is writing, so that nothing may break the illusion in which she is living–so that nothing may disturb or disquiet the mysterious nosings about, feelings round, darts, dashes and sudden discoveries of that very shy and illusive spirit, the imagination. (p.143)

The second big challenge she faced was writing truthfully about women’s physical experiences, ‘the truth about my own experiences as a body’, and she stumbled here. The problem is the severity of men’s criticism of such honesty. With the result that whenever she goes near the subject she can feel her censor kicking in. She still hasn’t solved the problem of honestly describing women’s physical experiences.

And she brings the talk back to her audience of young professional women by saying the obstacles she faced, which she’s just described, were psychological, the internalisation of society’s male values which she had to combat in her head. How much must her audience of young women, the first generation moving into the male-dominated professions, also be confronting their inner obstacles. That is why it is so important for them to share their stories and experiences.

6. Why? (1934)

In 1934 women undergraduates at Somerville College, Oxford, one of the two relatively new women-only colleges, launched a new magazine titled Lysistrata. (The name refers to the play of the same name by the ancient Greek playwright Aristophanes in which the women of the Greek city states, sick of the endless Peloponnesian War, go on a sex strike i.e. deny their men sex till they agree to make peace. Which makes me think of the contemporary 4B movement, originating in Korea which has spread to the US.)

Anyway, the editor of Lysistrata asked her to contribute a piece and here it is. What is it going to be about? Well here Woolf indulges one of those flights of fancy which you either find charming and beautiful, or irritating and obtuse, depending on taste.

The whole little essay turns out to be premised on the idea that, like most people these days (1934), Woolf is constantly assailed by questions, but couldn’t find any place to ask them until she received this invitation from Lysistrata for an article. At which point, she says, a fleet of questions thronged her head all clamouring for expression. From this throng she chose one relevant to the start of a new term at a university, namely: why lecture and why be lectured?

Unlike the other essays, it almost feels as if she’s being paid by the word in this one. It feels like she’s writing any old rubbish to fill the space (2,000 words). Anyway, she spends the middle of this little text sharing a memory of attending a lecture on the French Revolution in some non-descript public building. The account is chiefly notable for the way she describes being bored and wandering off, losing the thread of the lecture and becoming distracted by details, the look of the room, the appearance of other students and then a fly buzzing around. (As she so often does; exactly as she describes losing interest in the speeches of the women at the English Women’s Co-operative Guild in the preceding essay.)

And this is exactly the kind of easily distracted, wandering attention she attributes to the female protagonists of Mrs DallowayTo The Lighthouse (Mrs Ramsay) and The Years (Eleanor Pargiter) and Between the Acts (Lucy Swithin). It seems fairly obvious – from the way it occurs in all those characters and that you meet it in so many of the essays – that she was describing herself in those characters.

And her description of it made me think of the over-diagnosed modern condition, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). The central attribute of this is ‘having a short attention span and being easily distracted’. QED.

Anyway, back in the argument about lectures, Woolf’s description of how bored she becomes in lectures turns into a plea that universities should drop lecturing altogether. She tells us that at the start of every term writers like her, and experts in every field, are bombarded with requests to come a deliver a lecture to this or that college. But she hates it. Doing so sets you up as an expert, a personage on a stage, and lures you into writing a long discourse with all the formal trimmings, guaranteeing it will be staggeringly dull.

So: why not abandon lectures. Why not invite speakers down from the stage and onto the floor among the audience and talk like ordinary men and women?

Good. Sorted. But she has more space to fill so she reverts to contrived metaphor that she is assailed by flocks of questions and has to choose just a few of them to include in this lecture, and chooses another one. This one is: Why learn English literature at universities when you can read it for yourself in books?

Instead of answering this in a logical way, Woolf takes a characteristically oblique and anecdotal approach by recalling a visit to a friend who is a publishers’ reader and who assailed her with a diatribe against students learning English. Does anyone write better for it, no. In fact, in her friend’s opinion, the big increase in teaching of English literature and writing books about English literature means all the manuscripts she’s sent end up sounding the same. In the long term it will end up by killing English literature off altogether.

Did that happen? No. More books, more novels and all other types of creating writing are published now, in 2025, than 90 years ago, despite the explosion in the teaching and studying of English literature, let alone the explosion of creative writing classes over the last half century. So it’s a snapshot of a grumpy woman from 90 years ago, grumpy and opinionated as any red-faced colonel at the bar of his club blustering about “young people these days”. Sort of interesting as social history; worthless as contribution to any debate.

This was by far the worst of the essays in this section because Woolf phoned it in. She was just going through the motions. It feels like she just cobbled together some fatuous ‘questions’ and made no serious effort to answer them. The conceit of being bombarded by questions and having to select a few is sort of interesting and maybe had the potential to be genuinely interesting, but felt squandered.

This little squib was only written for a student magazine but still, it feels weak.


Credit

‘Selected Essays of Virginia Woolf’ was published by Oxford World Classics in 2008. Most though not all of the essays can be found online. David Bradshaw’s introduction can be read on Amazon.

Related links

Related reviews

The Portrait of Mr. W. H. by Oscar Wilde (1889)

All Art [is] to a certain degree a mode of acting, an attempt to realise one’s own personality on some imaginative plane out of reach of the trammelling accidents and limitations of real life.

In the 1880s the young and unknown Oscar Wilde (born in 1854) was supporting himself and his young family through literary journalism, writing book reviews and essays. Towards the end of the decade i.e. as he entered his 30s, Wilde tried longer works, including a number of critical essays and experiments with the dialogue form. In 1891 he collected four of these together in a volume titled Intentions (1891). Another work which dates from this period is The Portrait of Mr. W. H., a semi-scholarly investigation into the dedicatee of Shakespeare’s Sonnets which is also a beguiling experiment in prose form: part fictional detective story, part critical essay, all Oscar.

Shakespeare’s Sonnets and the mystery of W.H.

Shakespeare’s Sonnets were published in 1609. There are 154 of them. When they first appeared, they were not gathered at random but seemed to be arranged to tell a story or describe incidents in the life of the author.

The series starts with a set of 17 poems, traditionally called the ‘procreation sonnets’. These appear to be addressed to a young man (never named) encouraging him to get married, have children and carry on the line of a distinguished family. Scholars speculate that these early sonnets were actually commissioned from Shakespeare by an aristocratic family for just that purpose.

But with sonnet 18 the tone changes and becomes increasingly personal, as the poet appears to fall in love with the young man he had previously been directing these pretty factual poems to. After sonnet 18 the poems change in tone to become more and more passionate and committed – and then broaden out to consider themes of love and life, the poet sometimes expressing joy, sometimes jealousy, sometimes despair, sometimes the melancholy of ageing.

In total the first 126 sonnets appear to be addressed to, or inspired by, this unnamed young man. Late in the sequence there is the appearance of a woman, also unnamed and referred to only as ‘the Dark Lady’. Progressive critics have always liked to think she was actually Black, but maybe she just had a dark complexion or simply black hair. The poet appears to be in love with her, too — i.e. bisexual, in love with a handsome young man and a raven-haired woman – and the sonnets to her are among the most beautiful love poems ever written. The last 28 poems are either addressed to, or refer to, this unnamed woman.

At some point in the sequence some undefined disaster seems to take place in which the poet discovers his male friend and the Dark Lady are having an affair behind his back (?). There are obscure references to an incident in which he seems to have been humiliated, either sexually or psychologically or both. This is indicated by a sequence of sonnets expressing intense despair and disgust with love and sex.

And then, toward the end, the poet seems to accept the situation, which appears to be that the young man has taken the Dark Lady away from him i.e. they have both betrayed his love, and the poems become sad, resigned but accepting.

To summarise: no names are ever given, the other ‘characters’ in this psychodrama never speak (unlike in Shakespeare’s famous plays), but nonetheless the sequence as a whole moves through some highly dramatic events and expresses a kaleidoscope of emotions around the ideas of love and sex and death in wonderfully expressive verse.

For the last 400 years readers and critics have speculated endlessly about who the young man was and who the Dark Lady was and what the devil went on between this star-crossed trio. The original edition of the poems, the only one during Shakespeare’s lifetime, gives a hint which is just vague enough to have sparked a thousand theories without being concrete enough to provide decisive proof. It’s given in the dedication of the First Edition, which reads thus:

TO.THE.ONLIE.BEGETTER.OF.
THESE. INSUING.SONNETS.
Mr.W.H. ALL.HAPPINESSE.
AND.THAT.ETERNITIE.
PROMISED.
BY.
OUR.EVER-LIVING.POET.
WISHETH.
THE.WELL-WISHING.
ADVENTURER.IN.
SETTING.
FORTH.

T.T.

The T.T. who appears to be the author of this dedication is almost certainly Thomas Thorpe who was the volume’s publisher. Why on earth was he writing it? Well, most books of the time were dedicated to an aristocratic patron, so maybe Shakespeare was too busy to provide a dedication and Thorpe knocked one out for him.

But the big question raised by this brief dedication is – who the devil is W.H? Over the years scholars and critics have suggested a wide range of possible candidates including:

  • William Herbert, the Earl of Pembroke: Pembroke was to be the dedicatee of the First Folio of Shakespeare’s plays, published in 1623
  • Henry Wriothesley (the Earl of Southampton), with his initials reversed in a typical piece of Elizabethan wordplay. Southampton had been the dedicatee of Shakespeare’s long narrative poems Venus and Adonis and The Rape of Lucrece, published back in 1593 and was known for his good looks, a prominent characteristic of the young man addressed in the sonnets.
  • Maybe it was a printing error for Shakespeare’s own initials, W.S. or W. Sh.
  • or William Hall, a printer who had worked with Thorpe
  • or Sir William Harvey, Southampton’s stepfather
  • or William Haughton, a contemporary dramatist

Those are the most popular suspects. You get the idea. There are numerous theories, each becoming steadily more implausible and stretching the slender evidence of this dedication and the murky hints within the sonnets themselves to breaking point.

The Portrait of Mr. W. H. Chapter 1

To cut to the chase, Wilde thought the dedication 1) was to the same young man to whom the poems were addressed, and 2) that he was Willie Hughes, a young actor who played female roles in Shakespeare’s plays. Hence the older man-writing-to-very young man tone and the gender-bending jokes which recur throughout the sonnets.

But what is very distinctive about Wilde’s text is that he doesn’t present his evidence in a critical essay, but instead embeds it in a short story, in fictional form. He creates a fictional narrator who has a fictional friend, Erskine, and concocts a series of meetings and discussions between the narrator and Erskine in which the latter mentions and describes a friend of his, one Cyril Graham, who espouses the theory Wilde wants to promote. Quite a round-the-houses way of doing things.

There’s a load of background on this Cyril Graham character, who was at Eton with Erskine, during which Wilde takes the time to mock the Victorian values of hard work:

It is always an advantage not to have received a sound commercial education.

And to emphasise Graham’s attractiveness in blatantly homoerotic terms at very great length:

He was effeminate, I suppose, in some things, though he was a very good rider and a capital fencer…But he was very languid in his manner, and not a little vain of his good looks, and had a strong objection to football…he always set an absurdly high value on personal appearance, and once read a paper before our debating society to prove that it was better to be good-looking than to be good. He certainly was wonderfully handsome…I think he was the most splendid creature I ever saw, and nothing could exceed the grace of his movements, the charm of his manner. He fascinated everybody who was worth fascinating, and a great many people who were not. He was often wilful and petulant, and I used to think him dreadfully insincere…He was horribly spoiled. All charming people, I fancy, are spoiled. It is the secret of their attraction.

This prime slice of Wilde homoeroticism contributes nothing whatsoever to the theory but serves to create a gay ambience as a sort of aesthetic foundation for the actual theory. Erskine goes on to explain how Cyril Graham’s androgynous beauty made him a particularly effective actor of the women’s parts in Shakespeare’s plays. Ah.

Cyril was always cast for the girls’ parts, and when As You Like It was produced he played Rosalind. It was a marvellous performance. In fact, Cyril Graham was the only perfect Rosalind I have ever seen. It would be impossible to describe to you the beauty, the delicacy, the refinement of the whole thing. It made an immense sensation…

In the story Cyril Graham left university and settled in London but failed to get a job and devoted his days to reading Shakespeare’s Sonnets and his nights to the theatre. Finally (Erskine tells the narrator) this Graham character invited him (Erskine) one evening, round to his rooms in Piccadilly overlooking Green Park (nobody but Russian mafia or Arab sheiks could afford a flat in that area nowadays) and gets round to making – after all this fictional preamble – Wilde’s actual points.

Against the Earl of Pembroke

First he dismisses the claim of the Earl of Pembroke to be Mr W.H:

One: he thinks the dedicatee must be someone who played a key role in the development of Shakespeare’s dramatic art, so this disqualifies the two usual suspects, Pembroke and Southampton.

Two: also, the sonnets themselves emphasise that the target of his passion was not high-born or aristocratic: sonnet 25 contrasts the author with those who are “great princes’ favourites,”

Three: We know from one or two other scattered references that the sonnets had been written before 1598, and sonnet 104 informs us that Shakespeare’s friendship for the young man had been already in existence for three years i.e. since 1595. Now, Lord Pembroke was born in 1580 and didn’t come to London till he was eighteen years of age i.e. in 1598. Thus Shakespeare could not have known Lord Pembroke till after the Sonnets had been written.

Four: one sonnet refers to the young man’s father being dead but Pembroke’s father didn’t die till 1601.

Five: it is inconceivable that any publisher would address a dedication to such a notable and highly placed aristocrat as the Earl of Pembroke simply as ‘Mr W.H.’ Not giving him his proper title and referring to him as ‘my lord’ would cause more offence than good feeling and ruin the book’s chances.

Against the Earl of Southampton

Graham moves on to dismiss the claim of Henry Wriothesley, the Earl of Southampton, born 1573.

One: Southampton became at a very early age the lover of Elizabeth Vernon, so he needed no entreaties to marry.

Two: he was not beautiful, as the addressee of the poems is.

Three: he did not resemble his mother, as, according to Sonnet 3, Mr. W. H. did:

Thou art thy mother’s glass, and she in thee
Calls back the lovely April of her prime;

Four: his Christian name was Henry, whereas the punning sonnets 135 and 143 show that the Christian name of Shakespeare’s friend was the same as his own — Will.

Against various other candidates

Wilde’s fictional mouthpiece doesn’t even bother to present evidence about the other possible candidates, he simply mocks them as ridiculous candidates, including the notions:

  • that ‘Mr. W. H.’ is a misprint for ‘Mr. W. S.’, meaning Mr. William Shakespeare
  • that ‘Mr. W. H. all’ should be read ‘Mr. W. Hall’
  • that ‘Mr. W. H.’ is ‘Mr. William Hathaway (Shakespeare’s brother-in-law, his wife being Anne Hathaway)
  • that ‘a full stop should be placed after “wisheth,” making Mr. W. H. the writer and not the subject of the dedication’
  • that ‘Mr W.H.’ stands for ‘Mr. William Himself’

In his excellent notes to the Penguin edition of Wilde’s short stories and essays, Ian Small points out that all these theories had been proposed in the 1850s and ’60s. Wilde was in fact indebted for all these theories to Edmund Dowden’s 1881 scholarly book about the Sonnets.

Abstract theories

He also dismisses the theory of some critics that the sonnets are addressed not to real people but to philosophical or religious abstractions such as his own ‘Ideal Self’, or ‘Ideal Manhood’, or ‘the Spirit of Beauty’, or the Divine Logos, or the Catholic Church.

Graham’s case

Wilde has Erskine tell the narrator that Graham thought the sonnets are themselves secondary, that the figure Shakespeare addressed was the inspiration for his whole art i.e. his playwriting.

Who was he whose physical beauty was such that it became the very corner-stone of Shakespeare’s art; the very source of Shakespeare’s inspiration; the very incarnation of Shakespeare’s dreams? To look upon him as simply the object of certain love-poems is to miss the whole meaning of the poems: for the art of which Shakespeare talks in the Sonnets is not the art of the Sonnets themselves, which indeed were to him but slight and secret things — it is the art of the dramatist to which he is always alluding.

And this is the basis of Graham’s argument that the addressee of the sonnets

was surely none other than the boy-actor for whom he created Viola and Imogen, Juliet and Rosalind, Portia and Desdemona, and Cleopatra herself.

Graham deduces the addressee’s name from the poems themselves. Sonnets 135 and 143 pun on the name Will, playing games with the fact that poet and beloved share the same name. On this reading, we have Will as the addressee’s first name. And Graham deduces the last name from sonnet 20 where Mr. W. H. is described as:

A man in hew, all Hews in his controwling

where Hews is given in italics, clearly indicating a play on the name. A shrewd objection would be, Why doesn’t this name appear in the complete list of actors in Shakespeare’s company given in the First Folio of 1623? Precisely because Willie had left the company and that this is one of the betrayals the sonnets describe. It also adds point to the handful of sonnets which describe his rivalry with another or other poets of Shakespeare’s day, if his lover and muse abandoned Shakespeare’s company and defected to a rival one.

All this was told to Erskine on one long evening at Graham’s flat overlooking Green Park. Erskine tells the narrator he thoroughly enjoyed the evening but said the weakness in the theory was the lack of independent documentary evidence that any boy actor named Willie Hughes ever even existed. Find that, Erskine tells Graham, and he’ll believe his theory.

So this prompts Graham, in the weeks that follow, to go quarrying the registers of City churches, the manuscripts of the noted Shakespearian actor Edward Alleyn, held at Dulwich, the Record Office, the papers of the Elizabethan Lord Chamberlain (who had to approve plays for performance) and so on.

The faked portrait

There then comes a development so convenient as to be more fairy tale than plausible. Graham goes to stay with his people in Warwickshire and happens across an old Elizabethan chest in a farmhouse. He notices it has the initials W.H. carved on the front panel so he promptly buys it. A few days later he notices a bulge on the inside and discovers a hidden Elizabethan portrait of…a young man standing next to a small table, so that his hand is placed on an open copy of the Sonnets and next to the name ‘Master Will. Hews’, while two masks of Tragedy and Comedy hang somewhat formally from the marble pedestal of the table.

Graham contacts Erskine and tells him all about his exciting discovery and swears that it is true. But a few months later, by another fabulous coincidence, Erskine happens to see some beautiful etchings in a print shop in Holborn. The shop-keeper tells him they are by an impoverished artist named Edward Merton, so Erskine pays Merton a visit. The poor man shows him his portfolio and in it Graham is startled to see a drawing exactly like the alleged Elizabethan miniature Graham had showed him. As soon as he asks about it, the artist’s wife mentions it’s a sketch of a work he did recently for a Mr Cyril Graham. In other words, the portrait of Will Hews is a forgery and Graham had it commissioned, before spinning his cock and bull story to his friend.

Erskine goes straight round to Graham’s house and confronts him with the truth. They have a furious row, ‘high words passed between them’ and… next morning Graham is dead! He shot himself!! First scribbled an agitated letter defending the truth of his theory despite the forgery, claiming he only made the forgery because of Erskine, because he demanded physical proof. Now his dying wish is that Erskine make his theory known to the wider world.

At this point Erskine’s narration of past events ends and we are back in his rooms, in the present, as the text’s narrator asks him why he hasn’t carried out Graham’s last wishes. We learn for the first time that all this – Erskine and Graham’s wild enthusiasm for the theory, the presentation of the forged portrait and then the night of angry arguments and Graham’s suicide – all happened years and years ago.

Erskine is still very upset by it so that when the narrator announces that he will publish Graham’s theory to the world, he becomes quite cross, saying the whole thing was always a pack of nonsense, no reputable scholar would ever believe it, and anyway everyone thinks Graham’s death was an accident, he (Erskine) never revealed the suicide note, it would wreck his reputation and the lives of his family, and so on.

This time it’s the narrator and Erskine who have ‘high words’ in an eerie repetition of the earlier argument. They part on bad terms, the narrator now committed to doing whatever he can to validate ‘the most subtle Shakespearean critic of our day’ i.e. dead Graham.

The Portrait of Mr. W. H. Chapter 2

As the heading suggests, the text is divided into three chapters like a fiction, like a novella. Chapter II opens on the morning of the day after the narrator had his argument with Erskine, a day he devotes to rereading the Sonnets. In doing so he finds everywhere proofs of Graham’s theory. So many of the sonnets make sense if addressed to an actor, the epitome of Shakespeare’s own craft, and a person by profession paid to act many parts, at his most moving when least himself i.e. a boy acting the part of women, acting the opposite of himself, and yet making audiences weep with the power of his untruths, one of those:

That do not do the thing they most do show,
Who, moving others, are themselves as stone.

Solution to the procreation sonnets

The narrator admits to being puzzled about the first 17 sonnets, the so-called ‘procreation sonnets’. Shakespeare himself married young and it made him unhappy, why would he wish that on his beloved? Suddenly it dawns on him that a metaphorical marriage is referred to; Shakespeare is urging the addressee to marry his Muse, to take to the stage. The children he urges him to have are the dramatic roles he will play. They will outlive him in everyone’s memory, just as children outlive their parents. Clever.

Sonnets not referring to themselves but to the plays

The narrator makes an important distinction. He claims most commentators read the Sonnets’ many references to mighty lines and verse and ‘these lines’ and so on as referring to the sonnets themselves, for example:

Not marble, nor the gilded monuments
Of princes, shall outlive this powerful rhyme.

But the narrator says NO, this is a mistake. Shakespeare didn’t think much of the Sonnets themselves which, as we know from a contemporary source, he originally intended to be circulated only among a select few friends. The narrator insists these references be reinterpreted to refer to Shakespeare’s plays. If we take all the references to ‘these lines’ to refer not to the Sonnets but to his plays then many of the Sonnets can be reinterpreted to fit the Willie Hughes theory, as addressing Willie as the Muse not of the Sonnets but of his entire career of playwriting.

Metaphors for the stage

This is reinforced by the number of times the poet offers Willie a form of immortality which will last in men’s eyes i.e. on the stage, not between the covers of a book.

Elsewhere, the references to the beloved’s power over his audience — the ‘gazers,’ as Shakespeare calls them.

He also throws in the idea that actors are, as a caste, often histrionic and greedy for the approval and applause of others and that this emotional instability or over-wroughtness features in descriptions of the beloved.

In his ‘inconstant mind’ and his ‘false heart,’ it was easy to recognise the insincerity and treachery that somehow seem inseparable from the artistic nature, as in his love of praise that desire for immediate recognition that characterises all actors.

The rival poet

The narrator tells us that he then devoted a lot of time to identifying the unnamed rival poet who features in the middle of the sequence and who, it is implied, has stolen Willie away. The conventional view was this referred to rival playwright George Chapman but the narrator decides it can’t have been Chapman and must have been Christopher Marlowe.

Hints and fragments

He is excited to discover the existence of a ‘William Hewes’ in an account of the last days of the great Earl of Essex by his chaplain, Thomas Knell, who tells us that the night before the Earl died, he called his musician William Hewes to play upon the virginals and to sing. Admittedly this happened in 1576, but could the Willie Hewes of the Sonnets have been the son of the great Earl’s musician?

Seventy odd years later, the first English actress was ‘the lovely Margaret Hews, whom Prince Rupert so madly loved’ and who appeared in the role of Desdemona in 1660.

What if the 1576 William Hewes was the father, and Margaret Hews the daughter, of our Willie Hews? What if he was the central figure in an acting and performing dynasty?

(Without checking, I suspect both these references are forgeries by Wilde, which is appropriate enough in a text all about forgeries. Whether true or not, they partake of Wilde’s favourite kind of ‘fact’, something more like a hint or a suspicion, trembling on the brink of clarity without ever quite reaching it. On numerous occasions Wilde described ‘the aesthetic emotion’ is that intense trembling on the brink of meaning or revelation.)

Chapter II closes with an extended passage of purple prose in which Wilde’s narrator gives way to extended fantasy, speculating that young Willie may have been one of the English actors who took Shakespeare’s plays on tour to Germany and thus planted the seeds of the new drama there. Possibly he was one of the itinerant actors killed in an uprising in Nuremberg. Maybe he played before the great Duke Henry Julius of Brunswick.

Well, yes, maybe. Part II ends with a little hymn to the enduring beauty of the stage for, no matter where Willie died:

His true tomb, as Shakespeare saw, was the poet’s verse, his true monument the permanence of the drama. So had it been with others whose beauty had given a new creative impulse to their age. The ivory body of the Bithynian slave rots in the green ooze of the Nile, and on the yellow hills of the Cerameicus is strewn the dust of the young Athenian; but Antinous lives in sculpture, and Charmides in philosophy.

The Portrait of Mr. W. H. Chapter 3

In the third and final chapter the narrator writes a long, impassioned letter to Erskine bringing together all the fruits of his research and arguing forcefully for the Willie theory. Then a funny thing happens. He feels suddenly deflated and indifferent.

No sooner, in fact, had I sent it off than a curious reaction came over me. It seemed to me that I had given away my capacity for belief in the Willie Hughes theory of the Sonnets, that something had gone out of me, as it were, and that I was perfectly indifferent to the whole subject. What was it that had happened? It is difficult to say. Perhaps, by finding perfect expression for a passion, I had exhausted the passion itself. Emotional forces, like the forces of physical life, have their positive limitations. Perhaps the mere effort to convert any one to a theory involves some form of renunciation of the power of credence. Perhaps I was simply tired of the whole thing, and, my enthusiasm having burnt out, my reason was left to its own unimpassioned judgment. However it came about, and I cannot pretend to explain it, there was no doubt that Willie Hughes suddenly became to me a mere myth, an idle dream, the boyish fancy of a young man who, like most ardent spirits, was more anxious to convince others than to be himself convinced.

Ian Small points out that this notion that, once something has become perfectly expressed, it is finished, that it loses interest, that the artist moves on, was a recurring one with Wilde.

Anyway, next day the narrator rides round to Erskine’s place in Birdcage Walk, St James’s, finds him in the library and asks him to forgive him his enthusiasm and the harsh words he said during their argument. To his astonishment Erskine says no forgiveness is necessary because the narrator’s letter convinced Erskine that Graham’s theory is right.

But there is no evidence at all except a forged picture, the narrator remonstrates. Erskine is astonished: why has he (the narrator) suddenly dropped belief in something he wrote so passionately about to him (Erskine)?

He told me that he intended to devote his life to proving the theory, and that he was determined to do justice to Cyril Graham’s memory. I entreated him, laughed at him, begged of him, but it was of no use. Finally we parted, not exactly in anger, but certainly with a shadow between us. He thought me shallow, I thought him foolish. When I called on him again his servant told me that he had gone to Germany.

Two years pass then the narrator is handed a letter sent to him from the Hotel Angoulême in Cannes.

The gist of the letter was that he had tried in every way to verify the Willie Hughes theory, and had failed, and that as Cyril Graham had given his life for this theory, he himself had determined to give his own life also to the same cause. The concluding words of the letter were these: ‘I still believe in Willie Hughes; and by the time you receive this, I shall have died by my own hand for Willie Hughes’s sake:

The narrator packs an overnight bag, catches the train to Dover, the ferry to Calais, then the train the length of France to Cannes, jumps into a hansom cab and hurries to the hotel… only to discover Monsieur Erskine was buried two days earlier!

So the ‘story’ ends with an explosion of melodrama, death and suicide!

In fact there is more, a wild, absurd Victorian melodramatic twist: for the narrator sees Erskine’s mother, Lady Erskine, at the funeral, in mourning and accompanied by the family doctor. When he introduces himself, Lady Erskine says her son had left something for the narrator and leaves to fetch it. The narrator asks about Erskine’s suicide and is astounded to learn there was no suicide; no, no, Erskine died of natural causes, of a long, lingering tuberculosis.

The narrator is speechless… but the…what about the suicide note??

At that moment Lady Erskine returns carrying Erskine’s bequest to the narrator. It is, of course, the fateful forged painting of Willie Hughes. After this hectic, last minute melodrama, the narrative ends with a rather bland conclusion:

The picture hangs now in my library, where it is very much admired by my artistic friends. They have decided that it is not a Clouet, but an Oudry. I have never cared to tell them its true history. But sometimes, when I look at it, I think that there is really a great deal to be said for the Willie Hughes theory of Shakespeare’s Sonnets.

Bland enough but the Gothic melodrama of the last few pages suggests to the reader that there is something diabolical in the theory, some curse on it and in the damned painting which Graham had forged, and which killed him, which Erskine took everywhere, and which killed him. Will it, the reader is inclined to wonder, will it be the end of the narrator, as well?


Factual commentary

William Herbert, third Earl of Pembroke was the patron of many poets and the dedicatee of the First Folio of Shakespeare’s works. As he was born in 1580, he’d have been 18 when Francis Meres, in his Palladis Tamia, a history of English literature since Chaucer’s day published in 1598, made a tantalisingly brief mention of Shakespeare’s Sonnets. To quote the passage in Meres:

As the soule of Euphorbus was thought to live in Pythagoras: so the sweete wittie soule of Ouid liues in mellifluous & hony-tongued Shakespeare, witnes his Venus and Adonis, his Lucrece, his sugred Sonnets among his private friends, &c.

So the Sonnets, or some sonnets, existed and were known about by 1598, thus making Pembroke just the right age to have been the teenage boy who is their subject.

Wilde’s characters mention that Mary Fitton is the conventional identification of the ‘Dark Lady’. Born in 1578, she would also have been in her teens if the sonnets were largely written by 1598, and so is also around the right age. Mary was a maid of honour to Elizabeth I and mistress of the Earl of Pembroke, by whom she had a child. She was suggested as the Dark Lady by Thomas Tyler in 1886.

In his excellent notes Ian Small points out that the identification of Mr W.H. with Willie Hughes was far from original and had been originally suggested by the eighteenth century critic Thomas Tyrwhitt and recorded in 1780.

The notion that the rival poet mentioned in the Sonnets was Christopher Marlowe had been suggested by Robert Cartwright in 1859.

In other words, none of the central factual content of the essay and its primary ideas were original, most had been around for a generation, some for a century.

Style commentary

But if the content is nowhere original, you can see how The Portrait of Mr. W. H. is an experiment in form, combining a large amount of literary scholarship with the popular contemporary genre of the detective story and then suddenly, at the very end, diverting into the ripest Victorian melodrama. It is a hybrid, a mash-up.

Second, it is about a fake, a forgery, and thus sits squarely amid one of Wilde’s central preoccupations: the difference between reality and art, the way art or fiction may be more true, true to the inner imagination and spirit of man, than the tedious outer ‘reality’ of our day-to-day life. That the most contrived and artificial work may be the most authentic – an idea which recurs throughout the serious prose and plays.

The painting itself is the obvious forgery at the heart of the story, but the theory itself is by way of being a dubious fiction, a fiction which characters by turn believe passionately or dismiss with contempt.

And then there is the peculiar behaviour of Erskine who, at the end of his life, wrote a fake suicide note to persuade the narrator he was taking his own life, when the opposite was true i.e. he was dying of an incurable disease.

In a way, you can see that Wilde is trying to achieve the kind of maze-like whirling up of ideas of truth and fiction, forgery and authenticity, real versus pretend passion, which Shakespeare does in so many of the actual Sonnets. In this way it is a sort of homage paid in Victorian prose to Shakespeare’s masterpiece in Elizabethan verse.

Third, the notion that the central figure was a beautiful boy who played women’s roles has an obvious appeal to Wilde’s sensual homosexuality and the narrative is full of appreciations of the young male beauty of the figure in the (faked) painting and in the narrator’s imagination, a type of perfect young male beauty which Wilde goes out of his way to also attribute to Cyril Graham, the ‘tragic’ figure at the centre of the story. And a sensual appreciation of this specific pair is echoed in passages about the beautiful young men of the ancient world

Everywhere you look in the story, there are handsome young men.

Wilde’s homoerotic prose

The young man depicted in the portrait is described in the sensual homoerotic style which would cause Wilde so much trouble at his trial 6 years later.

He seemed about seventeen years of age, and was of quite extraordinary personal beauty, though evidently somewhat effeminate. Indeed, had it not been for the dress and the closely cropped hair, one would have said that the face with its dreamy wistful eyes, and its delicate scarlet lips, was the face of a girl.

And again:

Willie Hughes became to me a kind of spiritual presence, an ever-dominant personality. I could almost fancy that I saw him standing in the shadow of my room, so well had Shakespeare drawn him, with his golden hair, his tender flower-like grace, his dreamy deep-sunken eyes, his delicate mobile limbs, and his white lily hands.

That Wilde liked teenage boys, beautiful and svelte with fine profiles and dreamy eyes, comes over powerfully in all his prose pieces.

London

But leaving pretty boys out of the picture for a moment, the narrative includes one of Wilde’s brief poetic descriptions of an over-familiar London landmark which shows it in a completely new light, the kind of thing used to excite me when I was a boy. Here the narrator is walking through St James’s Park:

As I walked home through St. James’s Park the dawn was just breaking over London. The white swans were lying asleep on the polished lake, and the gaunt Palace looked purple against the pale-green sky…

If only hot, dirty, traffic-ridden London really were like that!


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Max Brod’s postscript to The Trial

Franz Kafka

Franz Kafka was born in Prague, capital of Bohemia, a province of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, in 1883. Despite being born in what would become the capital of Czechoslovakia after the Great War, he was educated, spoke and wrote in German. Kafka died in June 1924 at the age of 40 from laryngeal tuberculosis. By the time of his death Kafka had published three collections of short stories, but he left behind a vast collection of manuscripts, notes and sketches, including the drafts of three book-length novels. Knowing he was dying, Kafka appointed his best friend, the successful literary journalist Max Brod, as his executor and asked him, verbally, and in writing, to burn every scrap of his notes and manuscripts.

Famously, Brod ignored the request and went on to meticulously organise and edit the (often unfinished) manuscripts, arranging for their publication, and thus ensuring that Kafka went on, after his death, to ultimately become one of the most famous authors of the twentieth century.

Why did Brod ignore his friend’s final request? The Penguin edition of The Trial prints the short epilogue in which Brod justifies ignoring Kafka’s last wishes, and explains why he instead preserved them all, edited them, and published them as the three novels – The Trial (1925), The Castle (1926) and America (1927) – and then a short story collection in 1931.

This is a detailed précis of that note.

Kafka’s reluctance to publish his writings

Brod tells us that nearly everything that Kafka published during his lifetime had to be extracted from him by (Brod’s) extensive persuasion and guile.

Kafka always referred to his writings as his ‘scribblings’ and other self-deprecating terms.

Kafka frequently read his writings to his small circle of friends ‘with a rhythmic sweep, a dramatic fire, a spontaneity such as no actor ever achieves.’

But he was reluctant to publish anything due to:

  • ‘certain unhappy experiences which drove him to a form of self-sabotage and a nihilistic attitude to his work
  • he always applied the highest religious standards to his own work and felt it fell short

(‘Religious’!? Yes, Brod thinks Kafka was a seeker ‘for faith, naturalness, and spiritual wholeness’. Many later critics have interpreted Kafka’s writings in all kinds of ways: Brod is the founder and chief proponent of seeing them as religious works.)

Kafka once told him that false hands were reaching out to (mis)lead him, while writing.

Kafka told him that what he had published so far had ‘led him astray in his further work’.

Kafka’s wish to have his writings burnt

Kafka left no will. Among his papers were found two documents in which he asked Brod to burn everything. One was a folded note which contained the following sentences:

Everything I leave behind me… in the way of notebooks, manuscripts, letters, my own and other people’s sketches and so on, is to be burned unread and to the last page, as well as all writings of mine or notes which either you may have or other people, from whom you are to beg them in my name.

There was also a yellowed and much older piece of piece of paper with a hand-written note. In it Kafka acknowledges that some of his stories are in print and so unavoidably in the public domain, then goes on to say:

Everything else of mine that I have written (printed in magazines or newspapers, written in manuscripts or letters) without exception, so far as it can be got hold of, or begged from the addressees… all this, without exception and preferably unread (although I don’t mind you looking into it, but I would much prefer that you didn’t, and in any case no one else is to look at it) – all this, without exception, is to be burned, and that you should do it as soon as possible is what I beg of you.

Brod’s reasons for refusing Kafka’s request

First, Brod says that some of his reasons for refusing the request are ‘private’. (Well, that’s frustrating, it would be good to know what they were, I wonder if he ever revealed them anywhere else…)

As to the ‘public’ reasons which Brod is minded to share with us, these are:

1. Once, during a jokey conversation about wills, Kafka had shown Brod the same folded note quoted above, and explained his wish to have all his writings burned, to which Brod had jokily given him fair warning, that if it came to it, he would refuse to follow these instructions. Franz made a joke of it, they both laughed, but as a result, Brod is convinced that Kafka knew in advance that his wishes would not be carried out. Thus, if he had truly wanted the papers burned, he would have appointed a different literary executor, a relative, a lawyer, someone with no interest in them as literature.

2. Brod tells us that, after this conversation in which he’d said that he wanted no more of his works to be published, Kafka had contradicted himself by allowing further works to be published, including four short stories in a volume titled The Hunger Artist.

3. Brod says that both the notes were written at a time in Kafka’s life when Brod knows that he was full of ‘self-hatred and Nihilism’. But in his last few years, according to Brod, Kafka’s life took an unexpected turn for the better, and he became much more happy and positive. The entire mind-set in which he wrote the notes became redundant.

4. As Brod stated at the start, every single piece of Kafka’s which was ever published had to be extracted from him by Brod’s persuasion and guile. But in every case, after they were published, Kafka was always pleased with the results. I.e. Brod had first-hand experience of seeing that, deep down, and no matter how much he publicly dismissed his works, Kafka did enjoy seeing his work in print, but was just hyper-sensitively shy about it.

5. All the arguments Kafka gave as to the negative personal and professional effect publishing had on him – such as that they created bad examples which misled his muse, or expectations which he couldn’t live up to – were rendered void by his death. Their publication would have no more effect on him.

These are the five ‘public’ reasons Brod gives for ignoring Kafka’s written wish that all his works be burned ‘unread’.

Max Brod and The Trial

Brod tells us that he came into possession of the manuscript of The Trial in 1920. [From another source I discover that Kafka wrote the book in a sustained burst of activity from August to December 1914, then in January 1915 dropped it, never to return.)

Kafka never actually wrote a title on the manuscript, but always referred to it as The Trial in conversation, so we can be confident about the title. The division into chapters, and the chapter headings are also Kafka’s. (Each of the chapters was neatly stored in a folder, even the unfinished ones.)

But The Trial is unfinished. The chapters themselves were never arranged in a final order. There is an obvious beginning (in which Joseph K is arrested), and a chapter titled The End (which he wrote early on, apparently, and in which Joseph K is murdered), but the order of all chapters in between was fluid.

To order them Brod tells us that used his own judgement, heavily based on the fact that Kafka had read a lot of the novel out loud to him and other friends, so he had a good feel for the intended order of most of it.

Before the final chapter, which features the death of the protagonist, Brod tells us that Kafka planned to include many more stages of the agonisingly uncertain processes and encounters described in the existing text, but Brod tells us that Kafka told him that the case was never to reach the supposed ‘highest Court’, and so:

in a certain sense the novel was interminable, it could be prolonged into infinity.

He tells us that the writing of the book wasn’t cut off by Kafka’s death from tuberculosis in 1924, but that Kafka had abandoned it earlier [1915, as mentioned above], when ‘his life entered an entirely new atmosphere’. It was abandoned, and after a few years Kafka felt unable to return to its mood and story, unable ever to complete it. Hence his written wish to have it (and the other unfinished novels) destroyed. You can understand Kafka’s motivation: he knew what his original intention had been, knew that he had nowhere near completed it, and knew that he would never again be in the frame of mind, to re-enter the text and complete it.

So, we conclude, Brod’s labour on the manuscript of The Trial amounted simply to:

  • separating the obviously finished from the obviously unfinished chapters
  • placing the finished ones in the correct order according to internal logic and what he remembered of Kafka’s readings
  • then approaching publishers to get it published

Which it was, in 1925, the year after Kafka’s death, bringing its dead author a trickle and then a flood of posthumous recognition.

Pretty obviously, the literary world owes Brod a vast debt of gratitude for his act of friendly disobedience.


Related links

  • Metamorphosis (1915)
  • The Trial (1925)
  • The Castle (1926)
  • America (1927)