Marching Through Silicon Valley’s Gamified World

This week in North Philly Notes, Tongyu Wu, author of Play to Submission, writes about her “Triple Cultural Outsider’s Adventure.”

Play to Submission stems from a research adventure by a Chinese-educated female graduate student and explores the enigmatic gamified culture of Silicon Valley’s tech firms. When I began my graduate studies in the U.S. in 2010, I never imagined that Silicon Valley would become the focus of my PhD study. However, as I gradually established my academic identity, two things became clear.

First, as an antinomian Chinese scholar, I resisted the notion that researchers from developing countries should focus solely on their home country. I wanted to explore “Western world” issues just like scholars from the West. Second, as a sociologist, I knew early on that I wanted to devote my work to labor studies. But  my rebellious nature pushed me to break from the conventional focus on service work prevalent in 2015 and instead explore understudied work and occupations—types of work representing the future.

After a summer of hesitation, in 2012 Silicon Valley came into the picture. After spending another one to two years reading, I entered the tech world, thinking I was well prepared. I joined Behemoth (pseudonym), the tech company I studied, with the notion that fun perks like gaming TV stands, video game consoles, pinball machines, and Nerf guns were mere gimmicks, a facade of corporate culture meant to distract. Drawing from previous ethnographers, I expected engineers to be weary of this “fun” environment. But when I encountered the Code Review Roulette game, my assumptions were shattered.

Picture this: engineers, faced with the dreaded task of code review, devised a game reminiscent of Russian roulette. The rules were brutal: “Whoever gets the bullet does the CR!” Watching Jay load a toy revolver, spin the cylinder, and pull the trigger against his temple was nerve wracking, but he survived the empty chamber. Peter was next, nervously mumbling about the odds being in his favor (“Can’t be me…. The odds are low! Only one in six.”). Charlie, ever the analyst, calmed Peter through math: he turned to the whiteboard wall and wrote Peter’s odds as an equation: “(5/6) * (1/6) = 5/36.” In spite of his anxiety, Peter too escaped the bullet. But when Charlie took his turn, the game ended with a bang and he took on the code review task.

This moment was my wake-up call. The chaotic fun I had dismissed was far more spontaneous and authentic than I had realized. It wasn’t just a corporate gimmick; it was deeply embedded in their work process. Behemoth had transformed reality into a game. The question then becomes, what is really going on behind the ludic gaming scenes?

To unpack this cultural puzzle, I leaned into my double cultural outsider status as both  a Chinese and  a gaming amateur. When I saw a “Dungeon Master” hat and “A Dungeon Master’s Guide to Software Development” manual being passed around during a software design meeting, I asked Jack, “What is a Dungeon Master, and why is it relevant here?” Jack’s reaction was sheer incredulity. “You don’t know D&D?” he asked, puzzled. For an American, this might be surprising, but as a Chinese, the world of Dungeons & Dragons was foreign to me. Jack, of course, couldn’t accept that there were people on Earth who didn’t know Dungeons & Dragons, so he explained D&D and its parallels with software development in detail to me.

Under Jack’s guidance, I saw the software development team in a new light. The D&D framework transformed their routine work into an epic narrative. The team members, now metaphorical warriors, wizards, and oracles, navigated the unpredictable terrain of code with the same determination found in a fantasy realm. This narrative reframed the constant pivots and uncertainties of software development as adventurous detours filled with surprises and excitement. This gamified lens turned the drudgery of “crunch mode” into a narrative of triumph and adventure. Engineers stayed up nights, battling “pirates” (error spikes) and commandeering “ferries” (ingenious algorithms) to keep their projects afloat.

Through this exposure of my cultural naivety, I began to crack the code of Behemoth’s culture. The D&D narrative was merely the entry point into a world saturated with gamification. Rampant games dominated the engineering floor. Racing games pitted engineers against machines (and each other) to swiftly recover systems, spiced up with leaderboards. Completing scattered tasks within the minimum viable products was turned into a badge collection game. Pranking games injected hacking humor into routine tasks.

As I familiarized myself with Behemoth’s gaming narrative, I became an attentive audience. Yet I knew I would never be a true player, lacking deep immersion in gaming culture. But why did these engineers invest so deeply? The answer emerged through conversations where the term “gamer” was frequently invoked. It became clear that most engineers were born between 1979 and 2000, aligning them with the rise of the video game industry and likely self-identifying as the “gamer generation.”

Seeing these engineers through their gamer identity revealed a harsh truth in the tech world. For these gamers, the gamified environment wasn’t just entertainment; it was a necessity. Behemoth’s world was their reality, contrasting starkly with their sparse personal lives, usually confined to a bedroom with four walls and a $30 inflatable bed. This escapism drove them to immerse themselves in the company’s constructed wonderland, to the point of addiction. Ben’s story was particularly telling. He always expressed how fortunate he felt for having this job at Behemoth, as he got to make money by doing what he was passionate about and could hang out with like-minded friends all the time. However, right after I left Behemoth, I was told that Ben abruptly quit, just standing up one day from his desk, handing his badge to the manager, and leaving. He may have reached his limit—records show that Ben logged into the work system almost twenty hours every day.

My adventure in the tech world added another layer of unpredictability, as I married a Chinese software engineer in the midst of my research. This marriage brought me two new identities: an engineer’s wife and a friend to many Chinese immigrant engineers. In the engineers’ terminology, I now had the opportunity to play two new characters and explore even more intriguing detours.

As an engineer’s wife, I saw firsthand how gamified work relationships invaded our family life. Almost every night, my husband would rush to log into his STEAM account, joining his software development team in virtual battles late into the night. Our interactions shrank to mere minutes before bed. When I asked if he enjoyed the game, he explained he did not only play out of fun but also out of obligation—to build rapport with his development team.

As I became friends with many Chinese engineers, I saw their struggles in the gamified tech world. My friends, puzzled by their white colleagues’ obsession with these games, often got together to discuss strategies for participation and fitting in. When I asked if they really needed to engage in these games, their response was clear: “Of course.” They understood that their gaming outsider positions seamlessly transitioned to peripheral work status in the team. So they had to overcome all obstacles to participate. Such is the nature of this work culture.


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What we know about gender, race, and STEM – African American women

Sandra Hanson, author of Swimming Against the Tide explains that African American women are interested in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Math.

A recent publication (in Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology) by a group of psychologists found that race and gender intersect in understanding Science, Technology, Engineering and Math (STEM) attitudes and participation. The research team was headed by Laurie T. O’Brien and focused especially on African American women. The researchers and subsequent media reports on the findings (e.g. in Inside Higher Ed and The Chronicle of Higher Education) expressed surprise at the high interest and participation in STEM among African American women. Several decades ago I began doing research on African American women in STEM funded by the National Science Foundation (NSF). Although some researchers have not focused on the way that race/ethnicity and gender interact to affect STEM experiences we have known for some time that we can expect the unexpected when it comes to African American girls and women in STEM. Some have argued that because women do less well in STEM and minorities do less well in STEM, there will be a double disadvantage for African American women.

Layout 1The argument of double jeopardy sees race and gender as additive. My findings from a representative sample of young African American women (published in a number of journal articles and in my book, Swimming Against the Tide: African American Girls and Science Education) suggested otherwise. Quantitative data from my sample and larger NSF surveys as well as open-ended questions and responses to vignettes were critical in measuring the young women’s experiences. They loved science. The young African American women signed up for science classes, loved doing experiments, went to science camp, and had posters of scientists on their walls. One young woman said that “science was like opening up a present from your favorite aunt.” My findings provided considerable evidence for the African American family and community as key in understanding this love of science. African American families have always made considerable investment in and had high educational and occupational expectations for their daughters.

African American women have historically combined work and family roles. The answer to young African American women’s high level of interest and participation in STEM does not come from schools and teachers. In fact, the young women in my sample experienced considerable difficulty in the STEM classroom. One young girl reflected the opinion of many when she described the attitude of science teachers –“They looked at us like we weren’t supposed to be scientists.” The young women reported not being called on in the classroom and not being chosen as lab partners. Somehow, in spite of the chilly classroom climate, a disproportionate number of African American women manage to “swim against the tide” and persevere in STEM education and occupations.

Data from NSF show that African American women persist in many areas of STEM at a higher rate than do white women. My recent research on the male dominated area of engineering shows that even here African American women earn the largest share of doctorates relative to men (when looking within race/ethnic groups). In my testimony to the U.S Congress (Subcommittee on Girls in Science) I suggested that we need better teachers, science classrooms, and science textbooks. When young African American women look around them and see white teachers and white scientists in the science textbooks, they do not feel welcome. The considerable agency that African American women show in the context of a white, male STEM culture is encouraging. One can only imagine the increased number of talented African American women who would participate in STEM education and occupations in a more welcoming climate. The major science organization in the U.S. – the National Science Foundation – has recognized the problem and is funding a good number of programs to encourage minorities and minority women in STEM. After all, diversity in science makes for better science.

Sandra Hanson provides testimony as an expert witness at a House Subcommittee

1904_regIn this blog entry, Sandra Hanson, author of Swimming Against the Tide: African American Girls and Science Education, describes her research providing testimony at the House Subcommittee on “Encouraging the Participation of Females Students in Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics Fields.”

Statistics on degrees and jobs in science published by the National Science Foundation show progress for women and minorities in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM). However they also show that a gap remains, especially in science occupations. I am optimistic about the gains, but we must still work on making science more inclusive.

These young women love science. However, when they go into the science classroom, one girl suggests that teachers “look at us like we are not supposed to be scientists.” What do these young girls say about changing the science classroom? They want, for example: better preparation in STEM in the early years and access to advanced STEM tracks in the later years, changes that make science more accessible, better trained and motivated teachers, smaller classes, more work in groups (cooperative learning), more hands-on experiences (and an active laboratory component), more gender and race diversity in science teachers and curriculum (especially text books), high expectations for all students, special programs to encourage women and minorities in science, and more access to mentoring and networking. My research and other research supported by the National Science Foundation suggest that these changes in STEM education would benefit all youth. In the Q and A after the testimony Representative Fudge (D-OH) asked about access to science for girls (and boys) in inner-city schools. I noted in my response a need to equalize resources across school districts. Children unlucky enough to be born in a lower-income school district should not have to deal with science classrooms that lack good teachers, textbooks and equipment.

The committee inquired about other things that might be done to reduce the gender gap in science. I noted some of my research on girls and sport in my testimony. My research shows that sport provides an important resource in enhancing young women’s science access and achievement. It encourages independence, teamwork, and competition – the same traits that tend to be associated with women’s success in the male domain of science. Female athletes have an advantage in science over non-athletes. Young girls who are given an early opportunity to be involved in sport may well be less intimated and more prepared for the culture of science classrooms and work settings. It was encouraging to hear Representatives Ehlers (R-MI) and Fudge (D-OH) as well as Cheryl Thomas (one of the experts providing testimony at the hearing who is President and Founder of Ardmore Associates, LLC) express interest and support for this notion.

When second grade girls and boys are asked to draw a picture of a scientist they often draw a white male who is alone and ominous looking. This is not an attractive image for boys or girls. We need to change the image of science for all youth and importantly we need to make science available to all. If we are to be economically competitive in an age of global markets we need diverse strategies, skills, and competence in STEM. Students in the U.S. (male and female) score behind students from many other countries on math and science exams. We need to improve the quality of our science education system. We know what works. The new practice guide by the National Center for Education Research (“Encouraging Girls in Math and Science”) offers five recommendations for schools and teachers for increasing girls’ participation and interest in science. Guides such as this one need to be integrated in a routine way into U.S. STEM programs.

For more information on Sandra Hanson’s Swimming Against the Tide, visit: http://www.temple.edu/tempress/titles/1904_reg.html

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