This week in North Philly Notes, Hannah Ridge, author of Contours of Israeli Politics, writes about Israeli ethnic hierarchy.

I started thinking about this book during the Covid-19 lockdown. I attended dozens of online workshops and speaker series to stay connected, including a tremendous series on minority politics, MPOSS. A presentation of Mara Ostfeld and Nicole Yadon’s research on skin color and American politics memorably used color spectrophotometers (light-reflectance measurements) to demonstrate that Americans’ experiences were defined not only by race but also by appearance. As apparent race boundaries blur with skin tone, ethno-racial identity and hierarchy become more salient. Putting pigment gradation against America’s racial privilege hierarchy meant different groups had different incentives when it came to racialized policies and perpetuating or dismantling privilege. The implications for within group difference really struck me.
On a regular Zoom call with two co-authors I had met through my late advisor, our discussion wandered into Israeli politics. I mentioned Ashkenormativity – that cultural conceptions of Jewishness are based on European Jewishness (aka Ashkenazim) at the expanse of Asian and African Jewishness (aka Mizrahim/Sephardim). The latter communities have lower social and cultural status in Israel. The Mizrahim/Sephardim are often poorer and less educated than Ashkenazim. It reminded me of a comment my father made when we were in Jerusalem. Stepping out of a taxi, he has asked why all the cab drivers were Sephardi or Palestinian. He had not known the term Ashkenormativity, but he was able to perceive its effects. On the Zoom, I mentioned Ostfeld and Yadon’s book and wondered if similar patterns existed in the Israeli ethnic hierarchy (Ashkenazim, Mizrahim/Sephardim, Arabs). That question was written on a digital sticky note, a puzzle for another time.
The project grew from there. A fortuitous funding opportunity at my graduate department, followed by research funds from my postdoc, allowed me to run surveys of my own, and I found other Israel surveys that included ethnic variables. My conference papers grew longer, and a discussant suggested turning the project into a book.
The Israeli ethnic hierarchy is sociologically interesting. People often think of ethnic and racial hierarchies as bequeathed by our forebears from time immemorial and for which we retroactively invent causal narratives. Israel is a constructed society made in living memory. As such, it is possible to trace the decisions that were made to create the new country as a “European” state and the knock-on effects that this would have. It privileged European immigrants and those who spoke European languages and penalized Asian and African immigrants. These tacit or not-so-tacit biases were strengthened in subsequent generations, as for years the government promoted culturally “improving” the Mizrahim by trying to make them more European, more Ashkenazi, in the name of making them more Israeli. Scholars like Aziza Khazzoom and Ella Shohat have documented these processes. Along the way, though, all Jewish groups were positioned above the local Arab population, the Palestinian Citizens of Israel and the Palestinians in the Occupied Territories.
Even though the effects have been documented by these historical and sociological researchers and in the public opinion surveys featured in my book, people deny Ashkenormativity exists. At one conference, an audience member told me, “The Mizrahim shouldn’t feel this way. They outnumber us.” It should be noted that researchers do not agree on which group is larger, and some Mizrahim think that the government is trying to conceal a Mizrahi majority because it would not fit the image. In fact, for some Mizrahim, the power imbalance despite the demographics adds to the problems; it does not soften the experience of discrimination. His comment reminded me of white Americans who deny white privilege exists. Many socio-political patterns cross borders.
Research on Israeli politics is timely but highly sensitive. In writing the book, I had originally hoped not to field my surveys during any “tense” moments in the Israel-Palestine conflict. After delaying one round of the survey due to violence in Jerusalem, I realized this was not something I could predict or control long-term. I had to put the survey in the field and know that was part of the environment. In this case, the surveys were done during “regular” times in Israel, which is not to say nothing was going on, but it was no more than usual.
After the book was accepted, the 10/7 attack occurred and Israel invaded Gaza again. I revised the book to add this conflict and updated public opinion, especially in the discussions of the treatment of Palestinians and support for war over peace. Mimicking prior iterations, I called it the 2023 Gaza War. When the book was in page proofs, I noted it was now the 2023-2024 Gaza war. My next book project is also on Israel, and I have been writing “2023-2025 Gaza War.” I am already asking myself if that is too optimistic.
At present, research on race and ethnic politics is heavily concentrated in the US, but it is diversifying. We should not assume the US is a representative case. Other regions of the world have their own ethno-racial experiences. We can learn more about the politics of race and ethnicity by considering these cases and how they manifest. In so doing, I hope we can continue to make political science a more comparative and international endeavor.
Filed under: ethics, History, immigration, Jewish, political science, race and ethnicity, racism, Religion, sociology, transnational politics | Tagged: Arab, Ashkenrmativity, ethnicity, Gaza, hierarchy, immigrants, Israel, Jewishness, Mizrahim, privilege, race, Sephardim | Leave a comment »



