Why the rich don’t pay taxes

April 10, 2026 3 comments

from Lars Syll

US super-rich 'pay almost no income tax'Beneath the civic ideal of taxation as a collective, equitable endeavour lies an entrenched hypocrisy: the architecture of modern tax codes serves not the public good but the consolidation of private wealth. The progressivity of income tax is hollowed out at the uppermost tiers, where income is largely derived from capital — taxed at preferential rates that reward ownership over labour. This inequity is compounded by the affluent’s access to lawyers and financial advisers. For the wage-earning majority, such privileges are unattainable. The system is rigged in a vicious cycle: wealth buys power, power writes the rules, and the rules protect the wealth. The result is a regressive system that shifts the tax burden onto ordinary citizens, starving public services and undermining the foundations of democracy.

The rhetoric of progressive taxation conceals a fundamental contradiction. While nominally designed to impose higher contributions on higher incomes, tax systems in practice privilege the composition of wealth held by the rich. Capital gains, dividends, and carried interest — the principal sources of elite income — are taxed at markedly lower rates than wages and salaries. As Thomas Piketty demonstrated in his Capital in the Twenty-First Century: when returns on capital consistently outpace the growth of the economy, taxation that favours capital inevitably deepens inequality. What is presented as fiscal neutrality in reality reproduces class hierarchy under the guise of fairness. Read more…

Antitrust and prescription drugs: what Krugman and Khan miss

April 10, 2026 Leave a comment

from Dean Baker

I have tremendous respect for both Paul Krugman and former FTC Commissioner Lina Khan. That is why it was frustrating to see their brief discussion of pharmacy benefit managers (PBMs) in a longer interview that Krugman did with Khan.

Khan noted how, in her role as FTC commissioner, she sought to crack down on anticompetitive practices by PBMs that raised drug prices. While Khan was likely right that PBMs were abusing their market power to push up prices, she and Krugman both missed the 800-pound gorilla in the room. Drugs are expensive because of the government, specifically government-granted patent monopolies.

I know I harp on this point endlessly, but it is a big deal, both in terms of money ($550 billion a year in aggregate) and because it directly affects people’s health and ability to stay alive. The key point here is that we don’t need patent monopolies to finance the development of new drugs; we can do it through other mechanisms, such as direct public funding. We already do this to a substantial extent through the National Institutes of Health and other government agencies.

There are three reasons why this is a huge deal:

  1. Drugs are cheap to manufacture and distribute. In a free market, it would be rare that a drug would ever sell for more than $20 or $30 a prescription. It is absurd that some sell for twenty, thirty, or even one hundred times this amount. That forces people in bad health, or their families, to struggle to get insurers to pay for the drug or to beg for the money.
  2. The huge markups are a recipe for corruption of the sort we see with PBMs. The full story is actually far worse. The markups give drug companies enormous incentives to lie about the safety and effectiveness of their drugs. They do this all the time, most notably when they misled doctors about the addictiveness of the new generation of opioids, contributing to the opioid crisis.
    Economists have a saying about how best to eliminate the corruption associated with a black market: Take the money out by making the item, say alcohol or marijuana, legal. This logic would apply beautifully to ending patent monopolies on prescription drugs.
  3. Patent monopolies only provide incentives to develop a patentable product. Insofar as there is evidence that diet, exercise, or environmental factors matter for controlling or preventing a disease, drug companies have no incentive to pursue the research. You can’t get a patent on broccoli.

Read more…

Adapting education to the age of AI

April 8, 2026 3 comments

from Asad Zaman

Conventional university education is obsolete. The typical student earning a bachelor’s degree studies the equivalent of roughly forty textbooks over eight semesters. Today, however, any intelligent teenager with access to ChatGPT — trained on millions of books and articles — can surpass that graduate in a contest of factual knowledge. The model of education we follow was shaped by the needs of an earlier age; those needs have now changed. We need to rethink education from the ground up.

The two world wars reshaped modern society in profound ways. Science and technology proved decisive in their outcomes, and technical expertise therefore moved to the center of education in the postwar era. As Harvard educator Julie Reuben shows in The Making of the Modern University, universities rapidly shifted away from the older goal of forming character and judgment, and toward the newer goal of producing specialized knowledge. This transformation made sense in a world where knowledge was scarce, expertise was difficult to access, and modern states and economies urgently needed trained professionals. The system was built for the needs of its time.

The hidden logic of this system was to treat students as containers for the contents of books. Read more…

This is America’s darkest hour

April 7, 2026 5 comments

from Paul Krugman

Read more…

What’s wrong with economics?

April 7, 2026 Leave a comment

from Lars Syll

What's Wrong with Economics?: A Primer for the Perplexed: Skidelsky,  Robert: 9780300249873: Amazon.com: BooksWhat economics does is to convert open systems into closed systems by excluding ‘moves’ which would render the system unstable. Dictators ‘freeze the frame’ by order: economists do it by ‘modelling.’ They model the world as a giant computer network in which every possible move has been programmed, and anything outside the frame excluded by assumption … Economists are seduced by the thought that, because humans are part of nature, their code can be cracked just like that of physical objects. But even those who hold out this hope admit that humans are uniquely complicated. This makes social systems for all practical purposes almost infinitely complex.

The method of freezing the frame, and including in it only measurable moves, works well enough in the analysis of individual markets or firms in isolation. But it breaks down when applied to a whole economy.

To be ‘analytical’ and ‘logical’ is a quality most people find commendable. These words carry a positive connotation. Scientists are thought to think more deeply than most because they employ ‘logical’ and ‘analytical’ methods. Dictionaries often define logic as “reasoning conducted or assessed according to strict principles of validity” and ‘analysis’ as concerning the “breaking down of something.”

But this is not the whole picture. As used in science, analysis usually implies something more specific. It means to separate a problem into its constituent elements, thereby reducing complex — and often complicated — wholes into smaller, simpler, and more manageable parts. One takes the whole and breaks it down (decomposes it) into its separate parts. By examining the parts individually, one is supposed to gain a better understanding of how they operate. Built upon this more or less ‘atomistic’ knowledge, one then expects to be able to predict and explain the behaviour of the complex and complicated whole.

In economics, this means taking the economic system, dividing it into its separate parts, analysing these parts one at a time, and then, after separate analysis, putting the pieces back together.

The ‘analytical’ approach is typically used in economic modelling, where one begins with a simple model containing few isolated and idealised variables. Through ‘successive approximations,’ one then adds more variables, aiming finally to arrive at a ‘true’ model of the whole.

This may sound like a convincing and sound scientific approach.

The approach, however, rests on a precarious assumption. Read more…

Donald Trump’s big wealth tax

April 6, 2026 Leave a comment

from Dean Baker

There is an effort by several progressive unions and other organizations to put a 5% wealth tax for the state’s billionaires on California’s ballot this fall. It’s not clear they will succeed in getting it on the ballot or how the initiative will do (I’m in), but Donald Trump has already one-upped them. Thanks to his management of the economy and his decision to go to war in Iran, he has reduced the wealth of the country’s richest people by far more than the sponsors of this initiative could ever hope.

In 2026 to date, the S&P 500, a broad measure of the stock market, is down by almost 7.0%. The NASDAQ, which is where the tech companies controlled by folks like Elon Musk and Mark Zuckerberg live, is down by almost 10%. That means Trump may have cost Musk $60 billion, and that’s in just three months. Who knows where he will be by the end of the year.

If anyone thinks I’m being perverse by celebrating a decline in the stock market, try thinking again, or just thinking for the first time. The stock market is not a measure of economic well-being. It is a measure of the wealth of people who own stock.

There are three basic reasons for the stock market to rise. The first is the expectation that the economy will grow more rapidly and that corporate profits will therefore rise more rapidly along with the rest of the economy. The second is that investors expect that after-tax profits will rise at the expense of wages or due to lower taxes. The third is due to a bubble, or “irrational exuberance” to use former Fed Chair Alan Greenspan’s great term.

Only the first reason reflects good news for the economy. The other two are negatives from the standpoint of the bulk of the population. There is no reason for the rest of us to be applauding a shift from wages to profits or a larger share of the tax burden to be left to ordinary workers. Nor should we be delighted about a bubble that distorts investment decisions and gives the rich even more disproportionate ability to command economic resources while it lasts. Read more…

Neoliberal economics — a work of absurd fiction

April 3, 2026 3 comments

from Lars Syll

‘Rigorous’ and ‘precise’ economic models cannot be considered anything else than unsubstantiated conjectures as long as they aren’t supported by evidence from outside the theory or model. To my knowledge, no in any way decisive empirical evidence has been presented.

No matter how precise and rigorous the analysis, and no matter how hard one tries to cast the argument in modern mathematical form, these models do not push economic science forward one single millimetre if they do not stand the acid test of relevance to the target. No matter how clear, precise, rigorous or certain the inferences delivered inside these models are, they do not say anything about real-world economies.

Proving things ‘rigorously’ in a model is at most a starting point for doing an interesting and relevant economic analysis. Forgetting to supply export warrants to the real world makes the analysis an empty exercise in formalism without real scientific value.

The kind of knowledge we seek in science differs from what we look for in fiction. Read more…

The country’s major demographic problem: too few people or too many

April 2, 2026 Leave a comment

from Dean Baker

A weather person who told us to bundle up for the cold weather, but also be sure to drink plenty of fluids to protect against the heat, would not be taken very seriously. That is roughly the state of economics when it comes to basic demographic questions. On alternate days the economy seems to be suffering from too many people and too few people. Yet people somehow still take economists seriously on this issue.

Today the problem is too many people. A New York Times article on the weak job market facing young college graduates told readers:

“Some economists have hypothesized that the challenging labor market for young degree holders could be the outcrop of a longer-term demographic shift that is making it more difficult for them to procure white-collar jobs.

Since the 1970s, the share of older workers in the labor force, particularly in private-sector white-collar jobs, has grown as life expectancy has increased and Americans have worked longer, Mr. Pardue said. That has created congestion in the workplace, resulting in less progression for mid- and early-career employees who would otherwise have moved up the job ladder when more senior workers retired. Without as much movement in their ranks, many businesses found they did not need to replace as many entry-level workers.

“’As the U.S. population has aged, older workers are continuing to hold on to their positions,’ Mr. Pardue said. ‘That is now showing up in terms of diminished job prospects for younger workers.’”

This is clearly a story of too many people. The troublesome baby boomers are working later in life and keeping new college graduates from getting jobs.

Over the last four decades, hundreds (perhaps thousands) of economists and policy analysts have made substantial careers for themselves out of warning that the baby boomers were going to bankrupt the country. The story was that all the baby boomers were going to retire and needed to be supported by the smaller cohorts of workers that came after them. That was the story of too few people. Read more…

US wealth concentration grows ever faster

March 30, 2026 4 comments

Neoliberal economics — a work of absurd fiction

March 27, 2026 1 comment

from Lars Syll

‘Rigorous’ and ‘precise’ economic models cannot be considered anything else than unsubstantiated conjectures as long as they aren’t supported by evidence from outside the theory or model. To my knowledge, no in any way decisive empirical evidence has been presented.

No matter how precise and rigorous the analysis, and no matter how hard one tries to cast the argument in modern mathematical form, these models do not push economic science forward one single millimetre if they do not stand the acid test of relevance to the target. No matter how clear, precise, rigorous or certain the inferences delivered inside these models are, they do not say anything about real-world economies.

Proving things ‘rigorously’ in a model is at most a starting point for doing an interesting and relevant economic analysis. Forgetting to supply export warrants to the real world makes the analysis an empty exercise in formalism without real scientific value.

The kind of knowledge we seek in science differs from what we look for in fiction. Building ‘fictional’ models that we all know are false — not merely in the sense that they idealise or abstract (all models do), but in the sense that no amount of corrections, amendments or ‘successive approximations’ will ever make them true of the real-world phenomena they aim to describe — cannot be the right way to proceed in science. Although such model assumptions (often of a mathematical kind) are necessary for tractability, they are far from harmless, since they usually cannot be relaxed. Read more…

The AI bubble, like the housing bubble, is a big problem and it’s not complicated

March 23, 2026 1 comment

from Dean Baker

A bit less than 20 years ago, a nationwide housing bubble collapsed, giving us the Great Recession. Millions of homeowners had their houses foreclosed. We had high unemployment for the better part of a decade. And the subsequent falloff in construction created the basis for another extraordinary run-up in house prices during the pandemic. In other words, it was pretty bad news.

The current bubble in AI is laying the groundwork for another bad story. As was the case both before and after the collapse of the housing bubble, there is a tremendous premium in intellectual circles on making the problem more complicated than it is. Read more…

The microfoundations crusade

March 18, 2026 14 comments

from Lars Syll

Defenders of microfoundations and their rational expectations-equipped representative agent’s intertemporal optimisation often argue as if sticking with simple representative agent macroeconomic models does not impart a bias to the analysis. Yours truly unequivocally rejects that unsubstantiated view.

These defenders often also maintain that there are no methodologically coherent alternatives to microfoundations modelling. That allegation is, of course, difficult to evaluate, hinging substantially on how coherence is defined. But one thing I do know is that the kind of microfoundationalist macroeconomics that New Classical economists and ‘New Keynesian’ economists are pursuing is not methodologically coherent according to the standard definition of coherence. And that ought to be rather embarrassing for those ilks of macroeconomists for whom axiomatics and deductivity are the hallmark of science tout court.

The fact that Lucas introduced rational expectations as a consistency axiom is not really an argument for why we should accept it as a permissible assumption in a theory or model purporting to explain real macroeconomic processes. And although virtually any macroeconomic empirical claim is contestable, so is any claim in microeconomics.

Using formal mathematical modelling, mainstream economists can certainly guarantee that the conclusions hold given the assumptions. However, the validity we obtain in abstract model-worlds does not warrantedly transfer to real-world economies. Validity may be good, but it is not enough. From a realist perspective, both relevance and soundness are sine qua non.

In their search for validity, rigour and precision, mainstream macro modellers of various ilks construct microfounded DSGE models that standardly assume rational expectations, Walrasian market clearing, unique equilibria, time invariance, linear separability and homogeneity of both inputs/outputs and technology, infinitely lived intertemporally optimising representative household/consumer/producer agents with homothetic and identical preferences, etc., etc. At the same time, the models standardly ignore complexity, diversity, uncertainty, coordination problems, non-market clearing prices, real aggregation problems, emergence, expectations formation, and so on. Read more…

The economics of doing without the United States

March 16, 2026 Leave a comment

from Dean Baker

Going cold turkey on trade with the United States would be painful for our former allies, but fortunately, it is not necessary. For all his ignorant bluster, Donald Trump is not about to cut off trade with the rest of the world. Furthermore, even though Trump may not realize it, his “punitive” sanctions against countries or leaders who have angered him is more a punishment for U.S. consumers than our trading partners.

All the research shows that importers and consumers pay the overwhelming majority of the tariffs, not the exporting countries. There is a reason Donald Trump is one of the most unpopular presidents in history, and that is even before starting his war against Iran.

There is a lot of sloppiness in discussions of trade. Trade does, in general, offer benefits to both countries, but the nature and size of these benefits can be hugely overstated. South Korea exports a bit less than $40 billion a year in cars to the United States, roughly 2.0% of its nominal GDP.

Suppose this was cut in half by a very high tariff. Read more…

weekend read – Economics as if money mattered

March 13, 2026 3 comments

from Asad Zaman and WEA Pedagogy Blog

An archaeology for deprogramming Econ 101—and a practical agenda for heterodox coordination

 

How GFC 2007 Tore the Veil of Money

In 2007–08, money stopped behaving like a neutral “veil” and reappeared as the thing that actually moves the world: refinancing capacity, collateral chains, margin calls, forced sales, bank runs, and—at the end of the chain—the state as guarantor of the monetary system.

For students who had just absorbed Econ 101, the crisis was cognitive dissonance in real time. They had been taught a “real economy” of barter-like exchange, with money appended as a convenience. Then the world announced, loudly, that the economy is not a barter system with a cash register added. It is a monetary system first—organized around claims, liquidity, hierarchy, and power.

That rupture provides an opening: a doorway from the moneyless orthodoxy to a world of heterodox economic models.

Before anything else, two propositions—offered explicitly as a minimal basis for heterodox coordination, not as a final taxonomy:

Proposition 1: Heterodoxy needs an alternative to Econ 101.
Critique alone does not reproduce a tradition. Undergraduate teaching does. Many have argued that Samuelson’s textbook shaped the field of Economics in the 20th century.

Proposition 2: The simplest common core is: reject the neutrality of money.
Put money back into economics, then follow the money trail to power.

There are many heterodox schools, and they do not agree on everything. But if we cannot coordinate even on a practical teaching core, we will continue producing a brilliant cacophony—and losing the undergraduate mindshare that determines what the discipline becomes next.  read more

 

RBC — four decades of intellectual regress

March 11, 2026 1 comment

from Lars Syll

Neoclassical economics is known for its illicit use of garbled language which hides and convolutes instead of explains … An interesting example is the chapter by Edward Prescott, titled ‘RBC Methodology and the Development of Aggregate Economic Theory’. Let’s first give the floor to him, mind that ‘leisure’ means ‘measured unemployment’:

fubar1-2What turned out to be the big breakthrough was the use of growth theory to study business cycle fluctuations … based on micro theory reasoning, dynamic economic theory was viewed as being useless in understanding business cycle fluctuations. This view arose because, cyclically, leisure and consumption moved in opposite directions. Being that these goods are both normal goods and there is little cyclical movement in their relative price, micro reasoning leads to the conclusion that leisure should move procyclically when in fact it moves strongly countercyclically. Another fact is that labor productivity is a procyclical variable; this runs counter to the prediction of micro theory that it should be countercyclical, given the aggregate labor input to production. Micro reasoning leads to the incorrect conclusion that these aggregate observations violated the law of diminishing returns. In order to use growth theory to study business cycle fluctuations, the investment-consumption decision and the labor-leisure decision must be endogenized. Kydland and Prescott (1982) introduced an aggregate household to accomplish this. We restricted attention to the household utility function for which the model economies had a balanced growth path, and this balanced growth path displayed the growth facts. With this extension, growth theory and business cycle theory were integrated. It turned out that the predictions of dynamic aggregate theory were consistent with the business cycle facts that ran counter to the conclusion of those using microeconomic reasoning.

Translation: “Depressions are caused because people want to work less. Yes, we measure unemployment and it goes up when spending declines. But by assuming a ‘balanced growth path’ we define this away: the growth path is by assumption balanced so no unemployment exists and what we measure is leisure, not unemployment. People (sorry, ‘the representative consumer’) sometimes suddenly want to work a lot less, hence 25% unemployment (sorry, leisure) in countries like Greece and Spain and during the Great Depression in the USA. Hey, problem solved (and f*** the statistics)!”

Merijn Knibbe

Although there are many kinds of useless ‘post-real’ economics held in high regard within the mainstream economics establishment today, few — if any — are less deserved than real business cycle theory.

The future is not reducible to a known set of prospects. Read more…

Epstein as a moment for Democracy?

March 10, 2026 3 comments

from Peter Radford

I have been busy, so I have not been here lately …

But:

I have nothing to say about the Epstein files.

Except: that the Epstein files have a lot to say about America [and the western world generally]

Those files are a testimony to the enormous corruption of our elite.  It has capitulated to greed and venality as something not just to accept, but to normalize to a degree that it becomes invisible to the ethical gaze of the insiders soaked in its mire.  And they are, by and large, supposed to be our leaders.  No wonder we have no leadership.

Our elite saw fit to ignore explicit immorality and corruption and to turn a blind eye to levels of venal behavior that would be unacceptable in any morally secure civilization.

Why?

Because it has become so self-referential, self-sustaining, and self-involved that is has lost all touch with decency.  It genuinely believes it has rules and modes of behavior that need not conform to those of society at large.

This descent into abominable behavior began in earnest as an unintended consequence of the pursuit of profit and power unleashed back in the late 1970s and early 1980s.  It is an aspect of the great reactionary movement that drove a wedge between the elite and society at large based on the acceptance of great inequalities explicit in the elevation of neoliberal — rather than liberal — ideas.  In a twisted and debased reading of Adam Smith, greed was suddenly accepted as a socially beneficial goal.  Perhaps, even, as the only such socially beneficial goal.  Merit was judged on the size of bank accounts.  The accumulation of wealth and the appreciation of asset values drove and motivated public policy.  More sedate and/or traditional values were sidelined.  Focus on the poor or disadvantaged was criticized as being weak or pathetic, it was seen as undermining vitality and as an impediment to yet greater wealth.  Progress was conflated with material wellbeing.  And power accrued to those with access to the assets needed to parlay into such progress.  In particular, the concept of individual welfare permeated thinking in all aspects of social and economic activity.  Collective responsibility was demeaned.  Individual freedom was exaggerated.  In excess.

A natural consequence of this cultural relaxation of collective concern was the fragmentation of any sort of ethical generality.  Rich people have always been prone to think of themselves as above the law.  They have always, also, been prone to ignore popular ethical standards.  So elitism of the sort set free in the reactionary 1980s was inevitably going to produce pockets of unethical behavior. Read more…

Why Minsky still matters

March 9, 2026 4 comments

from Lars Syll

The “Minsky Moment” Drags On: The Financial Instability Hypothesis

Perhaps the foremost financial crisis theorist of our time, Hyman Minsky, had as his central idea that crises are endogenous (system-internal) phenomena where stability creates instability and reduces safety margins for financial transactions with excessively high leverage effects. During the upswing phase of financial bubbles, safety margins shrink, and even the smallest setback can lead to expectations not being met, forcing companies and investors to revise their plans to meet their cash flow commitments. The result may be that assets have to be sold, contributing to a debt deflation process with increasingly larger real debt burdens and problems resolving liquidity issues through asset disposals.

According to Minsky, these were inevitable processes. “Stability creates instability” even without euphoria and excessive optimism. During the upswing phase, banks’ lending practices are confirmed and even validate riskier projects. In accordance with the cascade of information theory, we encounter a logic where what was initially perceived as risky ends up being experienced as completely risk-free. The banks become more and more confident. Read more…

The Grand Illusion: The US – Europe Growth Gap

March 1, 2026 Leave a comment

from Dean Baker

There is a widely told story among elite pundit types that the US economy is soaring ahead, and Europe’s economy is mired in stagnation. As is the case most of the time when there is an elite consensus, it is wrong. A new post by Seth Ackerman shows that the differences in growth, and especially productivity growth (GDP per hour of work), are driven almost entirely by differences in measurement, not differences in economic performance.

This reality is likely to be a serious blow to proselytizers of the American model, where we let clowns like Elon Musk and Mark Zuckerberg run roughshod over any laws that limit their ability to harm workers, consumers, or the environment. Paul Krugman had already put a serious dent in their American model boosterism by pointing out that the alleged America-Europe productivity growth gap was really a California-everyone else growth gap. Krugman pointed out that if we pulled out California, productivity growth in the rest of the country looks pretty much like Europe.

(Productivity is the focus of these comparisons and not per capita GDP because there is a large GDP gap simply because workers in the US put in many more hours. In Europe, five or six weeks a year of vacation is standard as well as paid family leave and sick days. Thirty five hour workweeks are also common. The decision to work fewer hours is a value choice, where people can make different calls, not evidence of superior economic performance.)

But the piece by Ackerman goes even deeper. Read more…

Populism is primarily caused by relative deprivation and downward social mobility

February 26, 2026 1 comment

from J Komlos and  RWER issue 112

Komlos (2024b) notes that technological disruption, hyper-globalization, neoclassical economic policies, and the financial crisis set the stage for populism. He argues that populism is rooted in grievances based on inequality and defines it as an exclusionary anti-elitist political ideology. Populism undermines democracy by weakening countervailing institutions and targeting minorities, as populist leaders pit a dominant in-group against an out-group that is held responsible for grievances. He highlights that Trump’s populist support from the white working class remains despite tax cuts for the wealthy and poor handling of the pandemic. This is because he accentuates cultural issues like immigration, racism, white nationalism, and identity politics, and instigates fear and anger to project himself as a strongman.

However, Komlos retains his thesis that economic grievances precede identity politics. He argues that populism is primarily based on anger, anxiety, and grievances based on relative deprivation and downward social mobility with the backdrop of the IT revolution and hyper-globalization. He notes that the Reagan tax cuts allowed corporations and the elite to lobby for political influence, promote deregulation, and fund think tanks to promote laissez-faire ideology. This was concomitant with weakening of the unions and increase in household debt, as the middle class tried to keep up with the Joneses. Under Clinton, trade deficits exported jobs and low-skilled workers were displaced by cheap labour abroad. Such workers were unemployable in the expanding IT and finance sectors. Read more…

Why are CEOs paid so much?

February 24, 2026 1 comment

from Lars Syll

While the United States often symbolises extreme wealth concentration, the perception of Sweden as an egalitarian utopia requires re-examination. In recent decades, economic inequality in Sweden has grown at a rate that, in some respects, rivals that of the US.

Although Sweden maintains a robust social safety net, the underlying income inequality has surged. The Gini coefficient has risen sharply since the 1980s. As in America, this is largely driven by the super-rich pulling away from the middle class through high capital gains and profits from a deregulated financial system. Read more…