Bernard Lovell: An Archival Anecdote August 9, 2012
Posted by Will Thomas in British Science-Society Critiques.Tags: A. P. Rowe, Bernard Lovell, C. P. Snow, Charles Babbage, David Edgerton, E. G. Bowen, Henry Tizard, Hilary Rose, J. D. Bernal, Patrick Blackett, Steven Rose
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The death of physicist Sir Bernard Lovell on August 6th at the age of 98 has been widely reported. I thought I would mark his passing with an anecdote about some correspondence by and about him, which I ran across in December 2000 at the Imperial War Museum (IWM) on my first ever archive trip.*

To set the scene a bit, at the time I was still an undergrad, and was impressed by the wonderful circular reading room at the IWM situated right beneath the building’s cupola, and by having to do things like acquire permission from someone named Noble Frankland to see the Sir Henry Tizard papers there. (And I didn’t even know this was a former site of Bethlem Hospital, better known as Bedlam!) I was trying to come to grips with the very loaded topic of “operational research” (OR). I gathered that wartime OR had to do with the “coordination” of research with the military’s “operational” goals, but I didn’t have a very good sense of how coordination actually happened in bureaucracies, or the complicated politics of the subject.
It turns out most people don’t, but I was particularly ill-informed. I distinctly remember telling the staff member escorting me to the reading room that I was interested in “why Britain didn’t develop a military-industrial complex as America did”. I was duly informed it was because there was no money. That wasn’t exactly what I meant — what I had in mind, but couldn’t express, was why British R&D hadn’t been more strongly coordinated with military planning as it had been in America even to a fault: RAND, McNamara, and all that. That position was also wrong-headed in its own way. I did not realize that I was caught up in deep tropes populating the rhetoric of science in Britain, which were designed to explain its failures (as well as America’s successes and pathologies). It was believable, though, because so much evidence, including a letter written by a young Lovell, seemed to corroborate Britain’s difficulties coordinating its scientific resources — I did not appreciate that he and others were bearers of the rhetorical tradition that had already shaped my thinking.
Let’s Talk about Farm Amalgamation May 21, 2012
Posted by Will Thomas in Technocracy in the UK.Tags: Harold Sanders, Henry Tizard, John Martin, Leonard Napolitan, Solly Zuckerman, William Slater
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National Archives of the UK, MAF 142/457
In the early 1960s, British civil servants secretly contemplated how to rid the nation’s agricultural economy of inefficient, small-scale farmers. Or, at least, that was how it might look if their deliberations became public before they had formulated any actual policy. In reality, they were slowly and cautiously formulating a response to pressures being put on small farmers by market conditions. Here are a few illustrative figures on farm sizes in Britain by size, adapted from the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries, and Food’s (MAFF) A Century of Agricultural Statistics (1968):
Polemical Structures: Enthusiasm, Delay, and the Frustration of Bureaucracy June 21, 2010
Posted by Will Thomas in 20th-Century-Science Historiography, British Science-Society Critiques.Tags: Arthur Compton, Benjamin Silliman Jr., C. P. Snow, Edward Teller, Ernest Lawrence, Frederick Lindemann, Henry Tizard, Josiah Whitney, Leo Szilard, Lyman Briggs, Marcus Oliphant, Margaret Gowing, Merle Tuve, Paul Lucier, Richard Rhodes
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Enthusiast or gadfly? Frederick Lindemann, Lord Cherwell in 1948; photograph by William J. Sumits, from the LIFE photo archive
In Paul Lucier’s article on science and the professions in 19th-century America, one point relating to the California oil controversy caught my eye. In discussing the controversy’s historiography, Lucier observed that one interpretation “popular among business historians and modern scientists” seemed to support a “delay” thesis. Since chemistry professor Benjamin Silliman, Jr., working on a sizable capitalist contract, was ultimately proven correct that oil would be discovered in California, his science was “vindicated”. Meanwhile, Josiah Whitney, who criticized Silliman “with all the power of a government position behind him” had his “vindictiveness” revealed. As Lucier explains, Whitney’s attitude could thus be taken to explain “why California, with its rich oil fields, did not take off sooner.”
I do not think it’s inappropriate to retroactively judge whether one side or another was justified in their claims, either by contemporaneous or later standards, and regardless of later discoveries. I would, however, like to leave the issue aside here. (Personally, I have no idea who, if anyone, was justified in the Silliman-Whitney case.) I also don’t want to make a warmed-over point about the relationship between scientific credibility and political interests. Instead, I want to concentrate on just how common the polemics of obstruction and delay, and a counter-polemic of enthusiasm, are in history and historiography. To talk about the issue, I want to move to a territory I know a bit better: World War II.
In the years prior to his becoming Prime Minister in 1940, Winston Churchill positioned himself as a robust opponent of Nazism. His friend, adviser, and the director of Oxford’s Clarendon Laboratory, physicist Frederick Lindemann (1886-1957), was of like mind. Both were wary of bureaucratic mediocrity, and they understood it as their duty to awaken the state apparatus from its sloth in order to combat the Nazi threat. Churchill routinely inserted himself into the details of military planning, and both he and Lindemann were aggressive proponents of technological game-changers.
The Two Cultures at Fifty May 8, 2009
Posted by Will Thomas in British Science-Society Critiques.Tags: C. P. Snow, David Edgerton, Frederick Lindemann, Georgina Ferry, Guy Ortolano, Henry Tizard, Martin Kemp
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On May 7, 1959, C. P. Snow gave his famous lecture on “the two cultures”. The event took on such resonance that there are now 50th-anniversary events taking place in some major institutions of science to acknowledge its significance. See the New York Academy of Sciences, the Royal Society, the latest Nature, and the folks from my old neighborhood.
The event is taken as an opportunity to reflect on and question the relevance of Snow’s message. But for me Snow has taken on the sort of red-flag qualities that other people in the history of science see in intelligent design or bad pop science. Why am I so exercised by Snow, of all people, and not these other things? Aside from his direct (albeit marginal) place in my research, I think it’s because Snow exists in a somewhat uncomfortable space between the uncontrollable bazaar of public ideas and the coherence of useful conversation. The bazaar will always be with us. But Snow helps experts who should know better think they’re having a good conversation, when it’s not the case at all.
The way Snow did this was through a shrewd combination of good-but-obvious advice, bad history, and issue advocacy. As UVa New York University prof Guy Ortolano details in his new (and lamentably expensive) book, The Two Cultures Controversy (2009), when Snow made his argument, he had specific (more…)
Primer: The Tizard Committee November 12, 2008
Posted by Will Thomas in British Science-Society Critiques.Tags: A. P. Rowe, A. V. Hill, C. P. Snow, David Edgerton, David Zimmerman, Frederick Lindemann, Harry Wimperis, Henry Tizard, Patrick Blackett, Ronald Clark, Winston Churchill
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Henry Tizard as Rector of Imperial College (click for the Official Portraits of Imperial College Rectors)
The Committee for the Scientific Survey of Air Defence (CSSAD, a.k.a. the “Tizard Committee”) was instituted by the British Air Ministry in late 1934 to consider new technologies that the Royal Air Force might use to defend its territory against attack by bombers. The committee was initially comprised of its chair, scientist and longstanding government research administrator and Imperial College rector Sir Henry Tizard, the Air Ministry’s Director of Scientific Research Harry Wimperis, academic experimental physicist Patrick Blackett, Nobel Prize-winning physiologist A. V. Hill (who had been the head of a World War I research group responsible for improving anti-aircraft gunnery), and Wimperis’ assistant A. P. Rowe, who served as secretary. Oxford physicist Frederick Lindemann was added soon thereafter on the insistence of his close friend Winston Churchill, who was at that time a backbench Conservative MP.
The formation of this committee was not unusual, as government R&D work was frequently informed by standing and ad hoc advisory bodies. Henry Tizard was already chair of the high-level Aeronautical Research Committee, of which Blackett was also a member. Lindemann’s addition was engineered by Churchill as a part of his vocal campaign (more…)

