Posts about legislation

How to save news?

There is still hope that California’s perilous, protectionist legislation for news could be reformed, but not without effort. 

I just returned from Sacramento, where I was invited to testify (video below) in opposition to an Assembly bill by Buffy Wicks, which I analyzed in depth in this paper and later criticized as amended. It has passed the Assembly and the Senate Judiciary Committee. A competing bill by Sen. Steve Glazer, which I also criticized, just passed the Senate. 

So now there are two bills in play for a long, hot summer of negotiation in Sacramento — not versus each other but versus a counterproposal from Google, which I’ll describe below. The good news is that Wicks made clear in her testimony before mine that her bill — though well along in the process — is a work in progress, and she is open to change. She and Glazer appeared together in the hearing to show unity of purpose. 

I continue to have problems with both bills. The Assembly bill is a tax on “accessing” content — thus a tax on reading. The Senate bill is a tax on gathering data — thus a tax on information. They each would benefit the hedge funds that are destroying the 18 of the top 25 newspapers in the state that they control. If anyone should be held responsible for the death of newspapers and taxed for it, it should be the hedge funds. Instead, the bills blame Google and Meta for news’ decline and hold them singularly responsible for its fate. The Assembly bill requires an unwieldly process of arbitration. They are each constitutionally questionable and could spend years in courts before a penny is paid. 

A negotiated agreement would be preferable. Google has proposed an alternative involving unused tax credits and a $30 million contribution to a fund for journalism. In my testimony, I say that I favor a fund, like the Civic Information Consortium in New Jersey. Rather than distributing money indiscriminately to hedge funds and out-of-state media conglomerates as both bills would, an independently administered fund could grant money based on goals and merit, with accountability. Rather than feeding corporate bottom lines with no assurance of supporting journalism, a fund could support specific efforts such as KQED’s quality news- and ad-sharing network; it could foster the creation of support networks like the NJ News Commons at Montclair State; it could invest in news startups such as Lookout Santa Cruz, which just won a Pulitzer; it could most importantly support coverage for underserved communities.

The negotiation should not — cannot — be just with Google, for it is ridiculous to hold a single company responsible for the fate of another entire (generally mismanaged) industry. Who else might join in such a fund is a crucial question. Before I testified, I reached out to Meta, which still insists that if a bill passes it will pull news off its platforms as it did in Canada, where — despite spin from publishers’ lobbyists — the situation is now dire. Meta is also ending the deals it was forced to make under Rupert Murdoch’s legislative gunpoint in Australia, threatening to ban news there. That would be catastrophic in California, for I fear it would give Meta an excuse to take down news across the U.S. Passage of one of these bills requiring payment would also lead to the death of voluntary contributions made through the Google News Initiative, which has done much good. 

I hope that Meta can be convinced (pressured by its home-state politicians) to contribute to a fund and bring news back to Facebook and Instagram just when democracy needs it most. I’d also like to see Amazon and Microsoft contribute. 

It shouldn’t just be tech companies taking responsibility for the health of the news and information ecosystem. It’d be great if Press Forward, the journalism megafund, would partner in a California fund, along with any of the state’s many billionaires. State and local governments could contribute as well, devoting large shares of their advertising budgets to quality local news media. 

On the other side of the table, negotiations must not be monopolized by legacy newspaper companies and their lobbyists. The hedge funds’ papers are zombies. The L.A. Times has a market penetration in L.A. County under five percent, but I hear that its billionaire owner thinks he’s owed an absurd payoff from Silicon Valley. They hardly matter anymore. As I told one legislator, you need no longer be intimidated by the people who bought ink by the barrel for they now buy it by the pint. Any discussion must include Black newspapers, Latino news organizations, not-for-profit news media, independent news organizations, and digital startups, all of whom should step up to be heard. 

At the end of my testimony, I urged the legislators to foster collaboration between news and technology, rather than divorce. California of all jurisdictions — as the headquarters state of the internet — should set an example for journalism and technology working together, especially as AI looms on the horizon (and so does fascism). 

Google and other tech companies can help in other ways. I’d like to see them develop statewide and regional ad networks for news and specifically for Black media, Latino media, and so on. They could collaborate on development of appropriate uses of AI in news (not to manufacture clickbait). Google and Meta have supported training for journalists in product and audience development (full disclosure: at my former school); I’d like to see that continue and grow.

How much better it would be to encourage such collaboration instead of extracting a pound of digital flesh from tech companies to reward the lobbying of hedge funds and investors. 

Who knows what will come out the other end of the legislative sausage extruder, for there are many other cards to be played, including what I think is terrible legislation trying to regulate AI from the wrong end and privacy. 

For more details on the Assembly bill, see an excellent and fair analysis of from the counsel to the Senate Judiciary Committee here.

And here is what I had to say in my three minutes in Sacramento. 

Disclosure: My expenses for two trips to Sacramento — one for meeting with legislative aides and the other to testify — were paid or by the California Foundation for Commerce and Education, affiliated with the California Chamber of Commerce, which also commissioned my paper.

News bills: From bad to worse

I recently wrote an extensive analysis and criticism of a proposed California link tax, offering many alternatives. A state senator just proposed his own alternative — and it is even worse.

Sen. Steve Glazer’s SB1327 would tax the collection of data for advertising by large platforms — onlyl those earning more than $2.5 billion in ad revenue — to support a job credit for local news organizations. Glazer calls this a “data extraction mitigation fee,” analogizing the collection of data to chemical companies polluting the land. Oh, please.

I have many problems with this:

  • Data are information and information is knowledge. To demonize and tax the collection of information should be abhorrent in an enlightened society. His rhetoric at moral-panic pitch sets a perilous precedent. 
  • He argues that he is taxing a barter exchange users make when they give data to internet platforms and receive free content in return. Well then, shouldn’t that tax apply to the exchange we all make when we give our valuable attention to TV and radio and much of the web in exchange for free content? But the bill exempts news media. 
  • The bill offers a tax credit of 25–50% of the salaries of full-time journalists. As I said in my paper analyzing the prior legislation, the California Journalism Preservation Act (CJPA), this disadantages much of Black, Latino, community, and start-up media that cannot afford full-time staff and rely on freelancers. The bill earmarks funds for ethnic media but supports larger incumbents over small and new competitors. 
  • The hedge funds that now own 18 of the state’s top 25 newspapers — the hedge funds that are ruining journalism in California and across America — will benefit. They should not receive a penny. If anyone’s cash flow should be taxed, if anyone should be punished for the state of news today, it is them. Though the money is intended to go to supporting reporters, money is fungible and it will doubtless support hedge funds’ bottom lines more than journalists. 
  • I remain disappointed to see journalists standing with legislators to lobby for and support legislation for their benefit and to use editorial space to promote it in a clear conflict of interest. Journalists should not be seeking favors from those in power whom we should be covering independently. 
  • In his presentation of the bill, Glazer in one breath notes the growth of revenue for California’s own platforms and the decline of revenue for the legacy news indusry and says “the correlation is unmistakable.” In a next breath he goes farther, saying that “the fee in my bill assigns the cost of reviving local journalism to those firms whose data extraction and economic activity is causing the news industry’s decline.” (My emphasis)

I’ve spent 50 years in journalism and I can testify that much of the injury to the legacy news industry is self-inflicted. It is unproductive to try to pin entire blame and responsibility for the health of a state’s news and information ecosystem on one industry and a few companies in it. Under this logic, as I say in my paper, A&P (if it still lived) would owe reparations to every corner grocery, and solar- and wind-power providers should subsidize coal mines.

I have long been on record saying that I am concerned about government intervention in speech and especially journalism. Glazer says his formula for journalist employment tax credits doesn’t interfere because it gives the credit “to all qualifying news organizations.” But for government to decide what news organizations qualify is itself a thumb on a scale. 

If government wishes to subsidize news, I will ask again whether there are better alternatives. In my paper, one of many that I discuss is the New Jersey Civic Information Consortium. It receives state as well as private funding and solicits grants for news entities and projects. Its board, which is appointed by state universities, the governor, and the legislature, makes independent judgments about what to support according to its goals. It is housed at Montclair State University’s Center for Cooperative Media (where — disclosure — I am on an advisory board).

If I were to get over my objections to government involvment in journalism and, for the sake of discussion, endorse use of government funds to support news, then I would at least want to find an alternative that was not based on punishing one behavior, one industry, or one set of companies. If news matters to everyone in the state, shouldn’t everyone in the state take a measure of responsibility for it? 

Here’s one promising idea. What if a state’s — for example, New Jersey’s — existing library funding were expanded to also support the news information ecosystem — and, importantly, to recognize the role that libraries (in towns, colleges, and schools) already play in supporting local information. The funding for news could be distributed by the NJ Civic Information Consortium, which could also encourage more collaboration among libraries and news organizations — another benefit. Rather than supporting only incumbents, it would also support new competition and innovation and serving communities ill-served in the past. 

Thus far, the debate over government support of news media has been driven by lobbyists for news media. In an op-ed of mine just published by Editor & Publisher (a trade publication that, I’m grateful to say, encourages such debate), I track the history of the newspaper industry opposing new technologies and competitors, cashing in political capital earned through their journalism to attack those competitors — radio a century ago, then TV, then telcos, now internet platforms — and seek political favors of protectionism and subsidy. I wish we could break free from this cycle of self-interested good-guy/bad-guy myth-making and instead have a mature, responsible, productive, and open discussion about society’s priorities and how to support them. 

I believe that rebuilding news — not legacy news companies and not their investors, but news — should be a high priority. I hope to find ways to support it. I wish that this agenda would not be set by hedge funds’ lobbyists but instead by the communities and institutions affected.

California’s latest bill does not do that. It supports incumbents over innovators. It demonizes not just internet companies (odd, given that California benefits tremendously from their presence, employment, and taxation) but worse, the collection of data — ultimately, of learning. California can do better. (And if it doesn’t, New Jersey could show the way.)

California’s protectionist legislation

I just submitted a letter opposing the so-called California Journalism Preservation Act that is now going through the Senate. Here’s what I said (I’ll skip the opening paragraph with my journalistic bona fides):

Like other well-intentioned media regulation, the CJPA will result in a raft of unintended and damaging consequences. I fear it will support the bottom lines of the rapacious hedge funds and billionaires who are milking California’s once-great newspapers for cash flow without concern for the information needs of California’s communities. I have seen that first-hand, for I was once a member of the digital advisory board for Alden Capital’s Digital First, owner of the Bay Area News Group. For them, any income from any source is fungible and I doubt any money from CJPA will go to actually strengthening journalism.

The best hope for local journalism is not the old newspaper industry and its lobbyists who seek protectionism. It will come instead from startups, some not-for-profit, some tiny, that serve local communities. These are the kinds of journalists we teach in the Entrepreneurial Journalism program I started at my school. These entrepreneurial journalists will not benefit from CJPA and their ventures could be locked out by this nonmarket intervention favoring incumbent competitors. From a policy perspective, I would like to see how California could encourage new competition, not stifle it. I concur with the April letter from LION publishers.

More important, the CJPA and other legislation like it violates the First Amendment and breaks the internet. Links are speech. Editorial choice is speech. No publisher, no platform, no one should be forced to link or not link to content — especially the kinds of extremist content that is ruining American democracy and that could benefit from the CJPA by giving them an opening to force platforms to carry their noxious speech.

Note well that the objects of this legislation, Facebook and Google, would be well within their rights to stop promoting news if forced to pay for the privilege of linking to it. When Spain passed its link tax, Google News pulled out of the country and both publishers and citizens suffered for years as a result. Meta has just announced that it will pull news off its platforms in Canada as a result of its Bill C-18. News is frankly of little value to the platforms. Facebook has said that less than four percent of its content relates to news, Google not much more. Neither makes money from news.

The CJPA could accomplish precisely the opposite of its goal by assuring that less news gets to Californians than today. The just-released Digital News Report from the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism at Oxford makes clear that more than ever, citizens start their news journeys not with news brands but end up there via social media and search:

Across markets, only around a fifth of respondents (22%) now say they prefer to start their news journeys with a website or app — that’s down 10 percentage points since 2018…. Younger groups everywhere are showing a weaker connection with news brands’ own websites and apps than previous cohorts — preferring to access news via side-door routes such as social media, search, or mobile aggregators.

Tremendous value accrues to publishers from platforms’ links. By lobbying against the internet platforms that benefit them, news publishers are cutting off their noses to spite their faces, and this legislation hands them the knife.

In a prescient 1998 paper from Santa Monica’s RAND Corporation, “The Information Age and the Printing Press: Looking Backward to See Ahead,” James Dewar argued persuasively for “a) keeping the Internet unregulated, and b) taking a much more experimental approach to information policy. Societies who regulated the printing press suffered and continue to suffer today in comparison with those who didn’t.” In my new book, The Gutenberg Parenthesis, I agree with his conclusion.

I fear that California, its media industry, its journalists, its communities, and its citizens will suffer with the passage of the CJPA.