8. Four Tops (Part Four)

DISCOGRAPHY SOURCES PLAYLISTS PARTS: ONE TWO THREE

ACT I: THE SOUL CABINET

Tops live 1974

Blue lights in the basement/ Freedom was at hand and you could just taste it…Everything was cool/ The brothers were singing “Ain’t no woman like the one I’ve got”…

Me’Shell Ndegéocello, “I’m Diggin’ You (Like an Old Soul Record),” 1993.

The Four Tops at cruising altitude. The spring of 1973 and they have a hit again, a big hit, one to rival their Motown triumphs: “Ain’t No Woman (Like the One I’ve Got),” found on every notch of the radio dial, peaking in early April at #4 on the Billboard Hot 100 (#1 in Cash Box), hitting #2 R&B.

Its co-producer, Steve Barri, will take a job with Motown years later. One day Berry Gordy walks into Barri’s office carrying a golf club, sees the gold record for “Ain’t No Woman” on the wall, raises his club and says, with a half-smile, “mind if I smash that?”

“Ain’t No Woman” glides in the radio stream, segued into The Carpenters’ “Sing” and Tony Orlando & Dawn’s “Tie a Yellow Ribbon”; its fading strings become the Mellotron line that opens Elton John’s “Daniel”; its harmonies soothe after the roadkill yawp of Loudon Wainwright’s “Dead Skunk.”

A song that keeps “Ain’t No Woman” from hitting number one is Gladys Knight & The Pips’ majestic “Neither One of Us (Wants to Be the First to Say Goodbye).” Like the Tops, Knight & The Pips have left Motown, after years of service, having grown tired of being the reliable pros, the ones who had to make do. “Neither One of Us” is their last Motown single. Knight & The Pips sign with Buddah, as the Tops do with ABC-Dunhill; 1973 is the year when they all shine elsewhere.

aint no woman sheet music

Hamilton, Joe Frank & Reynolds were the first to cut “Ain’t No Woman,” as an LP track in 1972. They do it with broad stage smiles, while the brass players crowd into any space they find: ain’t no wuh-man like the ONE I got y’know it takes a LOT to find uh-nuh-ther BET-ter.

But the Tops parcel out the refrain, each Top taking a line, and they sing the title as a calm affirmation, echoed by a guitar’s satisfied musings, relieving a light tension (“aaain’t no woman like-the-“) by descending a third to close the phrase; it’s like a bottle being uncorked (“one-I’ve GOT”).

Everything about it is assured: the modest but rock-solid beat, the velvet bass, the whoo! that Stubbs exhales as the strings, flute, and increasingly funky guitar usher out the track. “Ain’t No Woman” is sexual equanimity and ease—a song that murmurs and confides at nightclubs and basement parties (Me’Shell Ndegéocello used it as an example of a time when men on the radio praised their women, instead of running them down). But there’s a harsh note near the end: “cause it’s my word, my word she’ll obey.”

Craftsmen

Word quickly spread that Motown had dumped the Four Tops. One Motown executive, Larry Maxwell, told the Tops he’d ask around LA to see if anyone had material for them. He soon called to say he’d found “a couple of badass songs” (as per Duke Fakir) by a pair of songwriters working for ABC-Dunhill: Dennis Lambert and Brian Potter.

Lambert was born in Brooklyn, became a songwriter (he co-wrote “Do the Freddie“), and worked in A&R for Mercury and DCP Records. When he moved to LA, he met Potter, who was nearly a decade older, from England, had drummed in beat groups, had worked for Lionel Bart, and had co-written “Whatcha Gonna Do About It” for the Small Faces.

Within two years, Lambert and Potter had built a catalog, enough for Dusty Springfield to call them a hit factory: “One Tin Soldier,” “Don’t Pull Your Love,” “Two Divided By Love.” And they’d signed a deal with ABC-Dunhill in which they co-owned everything they wrote and produced (“like a label deal, but we don’t have our own label per se,” Lambert told Billboard in 1973).

The Tops liked the demos (“Keeper of the Castle” and “Ain’t No Woman”) and met with ABC-Dunhill president Jay Lasker. He offered them a four-album contract and agreed that the Tops wouldn’t need to relocate to LA (the label would put them up at the Beverly Hills Hilton when they were recording). The Tops asked for $100,000 an album, Lasker countered with $50,000; they settled on $61,500, with the Tops getting a piece of the publishing. The latter point was crucial, as Tops yearned to become self-sufficient, to “create our own publishing company with those royalties coming to us,” Fakir said, and ultimately run their own label.

Talking to Sepia in 1974, Obie Benson described the Tops’ Motown years as “the people who were screwing us were managing us and lawyering us and everything else—it was a bad scene—almost a dictatorship—a plantation. When you’re on the top of the charts you don’t feel it much because they give you a little something to make you happy.” (An anonymous Motown spokesman replied that “we didn’t think they were hot enough for the bread they wanted. When they split they weren’t what they used to be.”)

Lasker agreed, though apparently not on paper, that the Tops would get their own label. At last “we’d be able to control our own product…sign new artists and expand businesswise,” Fakir wrote in his memoir. The deal was announced in September 1972. Legal expenses ate up much of the advance the Tops got for their first ABC-Dunhill album, Keeper of the Castle, released that November.

The Tops in LA with (l to r) Potter, Lambert, and Barri, 1972. The photo got a Stalinist purge-style edit for the sleeve of Keeper of the Castle (above).

Working on the album, Lambert and Potter encouraged the Tops to develop their own songs and handle the vocal arranging, “hoping to give them something to say rather than making them the victims of the chorus,” Lambert told Billboard.

They wanted to prise the Tops loose from their past, to avoid the “grinding, chugging beat in 4/4 time…the Four Tops trademark,” as Potter said, and to spotlight the group’s other members. “Through the Motown years, the group was thought of as a great lead singer with three guys yelling in the background,” he said. “But they really are a consummate vocal group…we wanted to avoid the monotony of one guy doing all the singing.” In another counter-Motown move, “we tried to put songs back into realistic non-screaming keys for them,” Lambert said.

The title track was the lead-off single. Lambert said he introduced the song to the Tops by claiming it was “about the Black man being the true centerpiece of the family, and historically the weak link in the Black family.” (He failed to mention how they reacted to this allegedly “historical” statement, apart from “they said yes—in theory.”) “Keeper of the Castle” is one of the warmest songs about domestic tyranny ever recorded: advice for benevolent patriarchs (to children, be “the provider of all their daily needs/ like a sovereign lord protector, be their destiny’s director”); it hit #10.

single

“Ain’t No Woman,” released in January 1973, was the clincher. “That motherfucker became a hit the minute it went out,” Fakir recalled. Word got back to them that Berry Gordy was pissed there was a hot new Tops single. When they ran into him in LA, he acted incredulous that they were no longer on his label. “How could I let you go? I never imagined [Ewart Abner] would do that.”

Keeper of the Castle was crafted and packaged as a fresh start—the cover has the Tops as men of property. One of its best tracks was a composition by all four Tops, “Turn on the Light of Your Love,” with a Moog intro, saxophone breaks, and Obie Benson’s rich, raspy performance, especially the darting melody that he sings midway through (starting at 1:38), a series of feints and stresses, as if he’s trying to outflank the chorus. (You can hear how they’d been yearning for their own wild Norman Whitfield-style funk number—being slotted as Motown’s “straight” counterpart to The Temptations had grated on them.)

Keeper LP

Benson is the spine of the record. He wrote, with his wife Valaida, two of its best numbers, “Jubilee with Soul” and “Love Makes You Human” (whose keyboard intro was reused in “Catfish,” see below). The latter has a sly Lawrence Payton vocal and subtle, in-the-pocket drumming by Paul Humphrey—it’s the most “Jazz Tops” track on the album, complete with a twenty-four-bar organ solo, chased with a saxophone break, and closed out with more organ. Lambert-Potter’s “Love Music” (“Dennis and Brian got into the groove with us and started tailoring songs for us,” Payton said) is the Tops holding their own with The O’Jays, with a bright Tony Terran trumpet solo. Barri later said that ABC-Dunhill stopped issuing singles from Castle too soon, and that they could have milked it for another year.

The ballads were strong as well—Stubbs scaling the heights of “Put a Little Love Away” (with electric sitar), lingering in the depths of Benson and Payton’s “When Tonight Meets Tomorrow” (piccolo). Lambert and Potter would later give the grand weeper “Remember What I Told You to Forget” (tympani!) to Tavares. And the Benson-sung and Benson/Payton-written “The Good Lord Knows” is gorgeous, especially its ambling verses (Fender Rhodes!).

Main Street People

Duke Fakir at an ABC-Dunhill sales meeting, September 1973, with (l to r) Potter, Lambert, Barri and Jay Lasker.

While making Keeper of the Castle, Lambert, Potter and Barri were working with Dusty Springfield in the same studio in LA. Springfield was undermining herself, cutting note-perfect reference vocals and obsessing over re-recording them. “We weren’t able to convince her how good her reference vocals were, with more flow and feel,” Barri told Springfield’s biographer Lucy O’Brien. Springfield “could never accept that her vocal, cold, was fabulous,” Lambert added. They wound up “punching in so much” that the resulting album, Cameo, often sounded lifeless. Springfield grew frustrated, and once showed up so drunk that she collapsed on the floor.

So the producers came to treasure the jovial, no-fuss Tops, who could nail their vocals in a handful of takes and finish off a background session before dinnertime. “We were recording the Four Tops at the same time, which was so easy in comparison,” Barri said. Sometimes the Tops would chat with Springfield in the studio, heading out for the evening as she was coming in for another grueling night.

The potential for a long-term partnership was there: The Tops, Lambert, Potter, Barri, and ABC-Dunhill. They quickly followed up on “Ain’t No Woman” with a song done for the Shaft in Africa soundtrack, the fierce “Are You Man Enough” (#15 Pop, #2 R&B) (one of its few critics was Stubbs, who claimed “we had far better in the can, but…because the movie was about to be shown nationwide, it would have to be now or never, so they went with it”).

MSP gatefold

Main Street People (1973) was meant to be a consolidator, to establish the Tops on the same level as their old labelmates Marvin Gaye and Stevie Wonder. In interviews around the time of its making, the Tops were talking about a concept album on “urban issues” but the idea apparently was discarded somewhere along the line, apart from its nostalgia-as-(vague)-social-commentary title track.

The album faltered—its only hit was the earlier-released “Are You Man Enough,” while its two other singles stalled: “I Just Can’t Get You Out of My Mind” (another Tops “Philly Soul” track, if cut in LA) and “Sweet Understanding Love.” The latter, a solid Benson co-composition, was the last time the Tops hit the Pop Top 40 in the Seventies, peaking at #33.

While Lambert and Potter could deliver the catchy radio hit, they had a tendency to dull out in their ballads. In the year of Innervisions and Let’s Get It On, stuffing a Tops record with tracks like “It Won’t Be the First Time” and “Too Little, Too Late,” variations on the same blah theme, didn’t cut it.

Its best tracks were Tops-made. Payton and the Bensons wrote “Am I My Brother’s Keeper” (“my smile’s for children only”), while Fakir, Benson and ex-Contour Huey Marvin Davis wrote “Peace of Mind,” built on a base of chicken-scratch guitar and bongos, with a righteous Stubbs vocal (“we fight for the right to fight and fight again…go on! destroy your soul, brother, to pacify your so-called friends!”).

Meeting of the Minds

In April 1974, the Tops talked to Blues and Soul. They were—at long last!—about to start their own label, to be distributed through ABC-Dunhill. “We enjoy working now. We’re up at eight in the morning, working on a new song,” Benson said. “When we were at Motown, I didn’t even have a record player. I wouldn’t even carry any electronic equipment around because I thought, ‘for what?'” Fakir said the Tops had “a few artists ready to sign whom we won’t name yet until everything’s set up, and we’ll have some releases almost immediately. All the members of the group will serve as producers, A&R men, etc.”

The Tops would develop “young acts who are trying to get into the business,” Benson said. “We’re going to call it the Career Guidance Department. We won’t say Management because that’s a nasty word that has come to mean just taking ten per cent of the artist’s earnings.” Young artists would get “the right contacts” and “when we take a tour, we’ll have a couple of them with us to give them exposure.”

The ethos was “we want to prove that you can be in business without ripping people off. It can be done…We’ve had some big disappointments throughout the years, so we’re going to try to keep them to a minimum for our artists.”

Tops 1974

The Tops arranged themselves as a business-in-waiting, a soul cabinet. Fakir, who’d always kept track of the money, was Attorney General, a role described to Sepia as “the one who visits the record company and makes the deals…the business figure.” Benson and Payton, the songwriters and vocal arrangers, would be Secretary of the Interior and Secretary of State, respectively. Stubbs, as the group’s public face, was naturally the President.

But the album meant to launch Four Tops Inc., Meeting of the Minds, released in April 1974, did even worse than Main Street People on the charts, failing to break the R&B Top 20. Its singles—”One Chain Don’t Make No Prison,” their last great moment of strife on record, and “Midnight Flower,” in the inexhaustible rock tradition of songs about magical sex workers—were both hits, but only on Black radio.

Barri said the Tops were among the casualties of the increasing segregation of radio in the mid-Seventies—their singles would consistently make the R&B Top 20, but now died well outside the Pop Top 40. “It wasn’t the records,” he said. “The Tops were no longer embraced by pop radio programmers. The market was changing. Radio went on to other things.”

The group had hit a wall. Touring the UK in November 1974, Stubbs spoke with Blues & Soul and said of Meeting of the Minds, “not our best, I’ll agree, but then we had to work with new producers and we felt obligated to give them a fair crack of the whip and allow them to get across what they felt they wanted.”

A strange statement, given that Meeting of the Minds was the last of the Barri-Lambert-Potter productions, with Lambert and Potter doing their best to give the group livelier and more “relevant” material (the title track, “Right on Brother,” and the back-to-Motown “The Well Is Dry,” complete with “Reach Out I’ll Be There” horseclops in the intro). I wonder if Stubbs was actually talking about the record they were making at the time, Night Lights Harmony, although Barri and Lawrence Payton were doing that one.

Tops 1975

ABC, which had been on an acquisition spree in the early Seventies, retired Dunhill in 1975. The Tops were finishing Night Lights Harmony, which fulfilled their original contract (released in April 1975, it was their first LP issued as an ABC release). A quiet, soulful record, it extended their chart collapse.

They met with Lasker to negotiate a new deal and pressed him on the perpetually-delayed plan to have their own imprint. The idea had grown in scope, expanding as the potential for it becoming a reality dwindled. Obie Benson, in a 1975 interview, talked about the Tops opening a “twenty-four-track studio” in Detroit.

Otis Smith, ABC’s newly-appointed head of Black promotions, was at the meeting, and scoffed. “Y’all ain’t ready for that shit,” Fakir recalled Smith saying. “You got that Detroit swagger and all, but you’re not ready to be the kind of businessman it takes to care of this album.” Fakir grabbed Smith, saying “motherfucker, I’ll throw you out this window.” A nonplussed Lasker said “well, you’re sure not gonna get a label now.”

tops japan
Tops in Japan, 1975

The Tops eventually re-signed with ABC, but their last years there were a recursion of the Tops’ late Motown period. Again, they had lost their champions. In mid-1974, Lambert and Potter moved to Capitol, where they made Glen Campbell’s “Rhinestone Cowboy.” Barri would stick with ABC until it was bought, but he no longer worked on Four Tops records. Lasker was pushed out in January 1975, and formed Ariola America Records later that year.

For the Tops, unlike at Motown, there was no vast, lucrative body of work to draw upon in the lean years—their peak with ABC was two Top 10 singles and one Top 40 album, all of which were now five years old. They had become a second-tier group. “We were devastated,” Fakir recalled. Their candled hopes to build their own business, to be mentors and Detroit boosters, to play the game with ethics—all of it came to nothing.

Moving into their forties, they were still product, and now orphaned on a label that barely wanted them. “We started caring less about what they thought,” Fakir said of ABC. “I suppose they felt the same way about us.”

Disco Daddies, Lost in Space

Fakir thought so little of his late Seventies albums that he claimed in his memoir ABC had released LPs of stale studio outtakes, “material we had recorded under contract to them. By then we were gone.” This doesn’t appear to be accurate, though. The truth is that Catfish (1976) and The Show Must Go On (1977) are the Tops running their own show at last—the most independent that they would ever be, if only because their label didn’t care what they were doing.

The records had Ray Parker Jr. and Melvin “Wah Wah” Watson on guitar, Paulinho Da Costa on percussion, and a host of former Motown Funk Brothers (inc. Earl Van Dyke, Uriel Jones, Eddie “Bongo” Brown) and were mostly cut in Detroit. Lawrence Payton produced them, and most of the tracks were written or co-written by Payton and/or Benson and/or their wives.

Catfish is the Tops, inevitably, going disco. The title track (an R&B #7) is as goofy as it’s horny—in the refrains, the Tops groan “Catfish…makes my nature rise.” Levi Stubbs has to sing “she took me to a fish fry/ that girl danced all night” but can’t bring himself to provide the insinuation the line begs for. Instead he sings “Took Me To A Fish! Fry!” with precise enunciation, as if trying to get a detail right in a deposition. (Catfish returns on “I Know You Like It,” a dance track written for a cruise ship’s margarita hour.) Payton’s stirred up on “Feel Free,” to the point of delirium; Benson’s sated reverie is “Strung Out for Your Love.”

There’s also “Disco Daddy,” which is what you’d imagine the Four Tops doing a song called “Disco Daddy” in 1976 would sound like, apart from a third of it being devoted to the most shredding guitar solo ever heard on a Tops record (possibly by Dennis Coffey).

The Show Must Go On works best when heard at low volume, when it becomes a pleasant half-hour sequence of muted strings, lively bass and Tops harmonies, the words indistinguishable. The title track is a credo for the group’s autumn years (“I’ll go on singing my song/ show must go on, rain or shine, all the time”) and was depicted, for whatever reason, on the LP cover as the Tops being confronted by a cobra. “Runnin’ From Your Love” has labored harmonies that sound like the Tops are hauling logs up a hill.

At the Top (1978) was ABC’s last bid to revive the Tops’ fortunes, handing them to the team of Norman Harris and Ron Tyson, who wrote almost all of the LP’s songs. Harris, a Philly Soul legend, produced the record at Sigma Sound: it resulted in their most promising single in years, “H.E.L.P.” (you can envision Village People-esque choreography for it), but the song died at #38 on the R&B charts.

By the time ABC was bought by MCA in early 1979, the Tops were gone. A decade that had opened with the promise of Still Waters Run Deep would end with the Four Tops much as they had been twenty years earlier. Working the nightclubs and state fairs, doing one-night-stands in towns a day’s drive apart, playing casino ballrooms in the late afternoons; being the foundation of a solid R&B revue; always hustling, forever on the road, able to hook an audience as easily as they put on a suit. No record deal. The occasional three-paragraph newspaper review, the occasional radio spot.

ACT II: DON’T WALK AWAY

The Second Chance, 6 January 1982

Four Tops intro

The house lights need to stay on, Levi Stubbs regrets. They’re filming the show.

Far East Productions, on behalf of the Pioneer Co. of Japan, is taping in Ann Arbor tonight for future videodisc sale. They’ve roped off much of the dance floor for the cameramen, the lighting and sound techs, and cables that spool out to twin production trailers parked on East Liberty Street.

The Four Tops wear matching black suits, whose jackets they soon cast off. Lawrence Payton is stage left, Duke Fakir to his right, Obie Benson the man in motion—officially to the left of Stubbs, he often darts around to Stubbs’ right, working the room. Stubbs himself: mustached; a touch heftier than when we last saw him; an oak of charisma.

Three decades on the road have burnished the Tops. Stubbs is the great wheel. Payton has always seemed as if he was savoring a private joke: it’s more like a private novel now. He moves lightly, his steps refined. When Fakir and Benson do an aerobic touch-your-toes move, Payton just dips at the waist. Fakir has built up a hustling stage patter. “Sit back and relax, make yourself at home!” he barks as one song ends. “Did you get what you came to see? You doing all right out there?” He has the sharp eye of a maître d’. And Benson is a graceful comedian. He’s grown more agile in middle age, bounding and skating and sliding across the stage, waving and pointing at everyone he sees, as if naming each face.

Second Chance

The Second Chance has a small, low stage and is surmounted by tiers of balconies. It has a dicey reputation in Ann Arbor, known for its heavy metal shows and caveman bouncers, who have a habit of getting sued for assault, including slamming a kid’s hand in a door, booting another in the face, and dangling a third over a balcony (he’d coughed up blood for weeks afterward).

The Four Tops are an odd fit for the place, but the club’s owner, John Carver, sees them as agents of change. “I think he was tired of having a bar he was embarrassed to take his friends to,” one bartender recalls to the Detroit Free Press. The crowds who show up drunk and leave the bathrooms awash in filth and puke. Packs of spotty boys in denim jackets, ready to fight as soon as they park, sniffing around the college town. Carver dreams of having a place with class, somewhere for people with money and a little style. No metal bands, but DJs playing dance hits.

In 1984, he’ll shutter the Second Chance, rename it the Nectarine Ballroom, and try, for a time, to make it an upscale nightclub for “funsters,” as he tells the newspapers.

chancetops

The Tops can handle any stage—they’ve certainly played worse—and there’s a wink in how Stubbs says “Ann Arbor,” rolling the last “r.” They make of the confined space a showbox, and always know where the cameras are looking (the Tops will get a substantial fee for their performance, along with a cut of the video sales).

They open with “Baby I Need Your Loving,” singing it luridly, with a feeling of impending consummation. “Get it on!” Stubbs yells. “Take it off! Fool around!” After “Ain’t No Woman Like the One I’ve Got,” Stubbs opens his arms, waving in his audience. “Ladies and gentlemen,” he says, conducting, “we’d like to take a little trip to the Sixties for just a few minutes and reminisce a while! I don’t know about you…but I had plenty of fun then. Do you remember? What it was like then?” Evangelical in his phrasing now. “Cut loose and do what you might’ve done then! We just want you to get involved!”

Stubbs yells “1960!” and the band kicks into “It’s the Same Old Song,” going at a fast tempo, the Tops locked in. A woman in the lower balcony sings as if she’d written the song. “1967!” “Walk Away Renee,” with impeccable harmonies and a wild bassline, brutally cut after its first chorus. “1968!” Stubbs dealing out years. “Do you remember this???” They leap into “Reach Out I’ll Be There” and the room convulses. A man is shaking his head, as if bewildered by memory. “Nineteen Sixty Nine! When we were drinkin’ that fifty cent wine! A “Standing in the Shadows of Love” that’s nothing but climax, sung over drum fills.

Tops at the Four chance

It’s the basest genre of performance: the greatest hits medley, one’s work reduced to headlines and photo captions. Yet the dexterity of the Tops, how they buckle onto these songs and dispatch them, one after the next, gives their medley a kind of grandeur. They haul in the past—theirs, the band’s, the audience’s, John Carver’s; the past that’s the lie people tell about their youth—and slam it down upon this wafer of a stage.

Yet what gets the most applause, what gets the balconies swaying, enough for the Tops to do it a second time as their encore, is a new song.

“When She Was My Girl,” which peaked at #11 on the pop charts a few months before. It has a lilting groove and Stubbs takes pleasure in its sturdy melody, making each phrase a hook (“shee-hee…used-to-be“) until he throws his curveball in the second chorus. She’s gooooooooooone….THE BIG LEG GIRL IS GONE! He’d improvised the line when the Tops cut the vocal; everyone in the booth cracked up but the producer knew he’d found it, the necessary twist, and Stubbs will sing “big leg girl” in this song for the rest of his life. Obie Benson gets a bassman’s spotlight, singing a run of low notes under a melodica solo.

They’re delighted to be in the same chart as Hall and Oates and Rick Springfield and Christopher Cross. “Anybody that says that they don’t enjoy being on the charts is telling a lie,” Stubbs tells the Washington Post. The single has a last-days-of-analog feel, with synthesizers prominent, not yet all-conquering. On the radio, it segues well with “For Your Eyes Only” and “Waiting for a Girl Like You.”

“When she was my girl,” the Four Tops regret. On their song, The Temptations had soared up on “my,” then wafted down a third to rest on “girl”; the Tops only fall by a tone (G to F), as if her memory has been compromised. The Tops in the early Eighties, summoning a piece of bliss from the mid-Sixties. Everything old is made new again and Motown, as a signifier of something lost, is about to come back, too.

A Night in Casablanca

back cover of Tonight

Will these Detroiters follow the Four Tops into musical oblivion?

Detroit Free Press, review of The Spinners’ Labor of Love, 5 April 1981

Gladys Knight, talking to Newsday in August 1981, believed that the Four Tops had split (“so many pop and rock groups, like the Four Tops and the Supremes, have broken up at this point”). You can see why, as the Tops had been without a record deal for years. Disco was hard on many legacy acts—even James Brown floundered—and the Tops were considered one of its casualties.

The group signing with Casablanca Records, a top disco label and one known for its prodigal publicity campaigns, seemed like a savvy move. But by 1981 Casablanca was a cracked shell of itself.

For Larry Harris, the label’s co-founder, the slide began when Casablanca simultaneously released albums by each member of Kiss, all of which “emphatically bombed” and made its co-owner and distributor, PolyGram, finally aware that “we were losing a fortune…it was impossible that they would fail to notice two million returns. No amount of cooking the books was going to hide truckloads of unwanted records.”

Casablanca had lofted through the decade, its existence one of profitless prosperity, as its founder Neil Bogart described it. Bogart was a New York hustler with a great ear: he got “96 Tears” on tape, snaring a beast in the wild; he had Giorgio Moroder turn “Love to Love You Baby” into a canonical round of orgasms; he knew “Funkytown” was a smash when he heard its keyboard hook, the sound of a pushbutton future. He died of lymphoma at thirty-nine.

Four Tops single label

His label, founded in 1973, was a scrapper, an opportunist. Like Sixties Motown, Casablanca was a record company as a comic book publisher, its top titles the superhero teams of Kiss, the Village People, and Parliament (the X-Men of the set), along with Donna Summer (the original Dazzler). The label that spun on his records had an illustration of a desert oasis, a market town whisked together in the midst of nowhere. Casablanca lived every cliche of the Seventies music business—office cocaine deliveries, titanic levels of payola—and when the decade died, it followed suit.

The Kiss debacle, followed by the deflation of the disco bubble and Paul Volcker’s recession, was the end. In February 1980 PolyGram bought Bogart out and gutted the label—what had been a 175-person operation was winnowed to 25 by the end of the year. Summer left; Kiss stayed for an extortionate price. So by the time the Four Tops signed with Casablanca, it was a rump enterprise, “little more than a vanity label,” Harris wrote. “From 1981 to 1985, PolyGram used Casablanca as a dumping ground for artists and soundtracks.”

The Tops LPs were in the same catalog as Meco’s Impressions of ‘An American Werewolf in London,’ Aerobic Dance Hits Volume One, Funky Fitness, Heavyhands: The Ultimate Exercise, and the soundtrack to Monsignor.

Tonight! with handmarked label
My copy of Tonight!, with a former owner’s track-by-track annotation: tempo (variable), Super Bad-ness (constant)

Still, Tonight! wasn’t thrown together in the hopes of making a cheap trade on a faded reputation. Charles Koppelman, a Casablanca exec who had survived the purges, saw the Tops as a potentially strong seller, offered them the most promising compositions he had, and gave the record a substantial budget (and the Tops “a nice little advance,” as per Fakir), with tracking done in LA at Cherokee and vocals at RCA in New York.

David Wolfert produced it; Lawrence Payton, as always, did vocal arrangements. Its players were top-echelon pros: drummer Jeff Porcaro; Ron Carter on string bass; Henry Davis, who plays the luxurious bassline on “From a Distance”; the guitarist Carlos Rios; Crusher Bennett on percussion; David Friedman on vibes and orchestra bells; Ralph Schuckett, who plays piano and melodica on “When She Was My Girl.” Composers included Kenny Loggins (“Who’s Right Who’s Wrong”), Raydio’s Jerry Knight (“Don’t Walk Away”) and Stevie Wonder (“All I Do”).

The days of the more democratic Four Tops were over—the record is built on the voice of Levi Stubbs, with the rest of the group as colorists, aside-givers, and supporting actors (Tonight! has some of the best-recorded Tops vocals of their career, with great dynamics). While there are throwbacks to past glories (“look over your shoulder!” Stubbs yells in “Something to Remember”), Tonight! was crafted to be contemporary “adult” R&B, its sound glossed, each instrument placed in the mix as if in a velvet casing.

Take “Don’t Walk Away,” which opens with chimes and rainfall patterns on keyboards, has tensed strings that fly off when a drum fill opens the chorus, a bass figure that shifts from a rapid pulse to a popped-note excursion in the verses, and synth handclaps to rival those on “Bette Davis Eyes.”

Obie Benson on "Fridays," 1981

It’s a collection of extravagant intros: the guitar, keyboard, strings dialogue of “Tonight I’m Going To Love You All Over” that sets the stage for the four-part harmonies; the saxophone musing on “Who’s Right Who’s Wrong“; the nylon string guitar on “I’ll Never Leave Again“; the synthesizer-to-strings entry ramp of “Let Me Set You Free” (which pits echoed handclaps against a restless bassline—it’s the closest the Tops ever came to a Rick James sound). The essential player is Kashif Saleem, who drapes the record in sounds coaxed from the NED Synclavier II and MiniMoog, particularly on “All I Do,” where Kashif rivals Stevie Wonder in his synth palette: nasally basslines; a high tenor counterpart to Stubbs in the verses; whirring, dancing melodies in the eight-bar solo.

At its best—”Don’t Walk Away,” “When She Was My Girl,” “All I Do,” the fierce “Something to Remember” (Stubbs opens under the gun: “Rumors hound me! Lies surround me!/ Say it isn’t true!”) and “I’ll Never Leave Again,” a fallen man’s beg for forgiveness—Tonight! is the Four Tops at their strongest in a decade. Dressed in late-stage disco finery, they sound hungry again.

One More Mountain

One More Mountain (1982) is a lesser Tonight!: same producer, same studios, many of the same musicians—it’s as if Casablanca cloned the earlier record but something went akilter in the lab. If weakened by compositions whose writers have sworn an oath to banality (“take this sad heart, make it a glad heart”), the Tops sound assured, still lively. The uptempo pieces work best—“Givin’ It Up” (longtime player retires, set to scratch guitar); “One More Mountain to Climb” (gentlemen’s electro-funk); “Keep On Lightin’ My Fire” (retired longtime player makes request); “Nobody’s Gonna Love You Like I Do” (marred by canned applause, but Obie Benson saves it); the ballads sag.

Except for “I Believe in You and Me,” which Duke Fakir singled out as a Stubbs vocal masterpiece. It’s Stubbs soaring into falsetto, as if revealing that a grand house has, suddenly, a new top floor. The Tops thought it should have been a smash, but Casablanca dropped the bag by instead making it a B-side to “Sad Hearts”; Whitney Houston finally made the song a hit in the Nineties. A few years before his death, Stubbs sang “I Believe in You and Me” in his last performance. He had suffered a stroke, was in a wheelchair. Aretha Franklin leads it off, and Stubbs finds anchorage in it, singing whatever pieces of the song he can voice.

The Casablanca records sold respectably, put the Tops back on the radio. When they appeared on Motown’s 25th Anniversary television special, filmed in March 1983, they could boast they weren’t some crumbling pillar of the Sixties, but a still-vital act. They were paired with The Temptations for a sing-off (a dress rehearsal: the Tops versus Kool & the Gang for Schlitz Malt Liquor). Cornball yet majestic, the performance is one of the show’s best moments, if eclipsed by Michael Jackson: the grand arrival of Thriller to mass America.

Temptations and Tops

Fakir likened the show’s rehearsals at the Santa Monica Civic Center to a sprawling, oft-estranged family coming together for a wedding.

For the first time since the Sixties, Marvin Gaye, Smokey Robinson, the Tops, Stevie Wonder, Junior Walker, the Temptations were all in the same room. Contesting memories, shit-talking, slapping the boasts down like cards. Michael Jackson took Stubbs aside, said that he played Tops records every morning, that he was in awe of Stubbs’ voice.

Berry Gordy wasn’t around for much of the rehearsals, but took time to pay his respects to the Tops. “Sounding great and looking great,” he said. “Y’all ready to come back?” And they were.

INTERMISSION: EVERY MOTOWN SINGLE RELEASED BETWEEN 1980 AND 1983

Super Freak single cover

ACT III: MOTOWN REDUX

One Million “Baby Love”s

rick james and berry gordy

In the last month of the Seventies, days after he turned fifty years old, Berry Gordy learned from his accountant that Motown was insolvent. “You’ve got more liabilities than assets.”

“I knew the responsibility was mine,” Gordy wrote in his memoir. “I hadn’t been paying attention.” He’d gone lost, producing a run of flop movies (The Wiz, Thank God It’s Friday, Almost Summer), and his label was stagnant.

Disco was the province of the shameless and the reckless (see Casablanca); Motown was rooted, cautious. Its marketing operation, once the envy of the industry, was reduced to “let’s hope Stevie Wonder puts out an album this year.” Then even Wonder stumbled, with the brilliant, strange, and unsellable Journey Through the Secret Life of Plants—Motown planned to press two million copies of it until Gordy, upon hearing the record, cut the order by half (“which was still 900,000 too many”).

Another once-savior, Marvin Gaye, turned in a tortured divorce/alimony record and then spent three years on a semi-ironic “love man” record. An exasperated Motown released the latter, In Our Lifetime, without his approval, touching up some rough mixes; it prompted him to bolt to Columbia (Gaye to David Ritz: “Motown shafted me…can you imagine saying to an artist, say Picasso, ‘Okay Pablo, you’ve been fooling with this picture long enough?'”) The Jacksons, The Miracles, The Temptations, Ashford & Simpson, Norman Whitfield were gone. Diana Ross was soon to follow.

TGIF
Thank God It’s Friday (1978; Motown Productions)

Spending under the delusion that it was still Hitsville USA, Motown’s record division lost $3 million in 1980; the film division was, unsurprisingly, also in the red. It was dire enough for Gordy to consider selling his prime asset: his publishing company, Jobete. Instead he took out a bank loan, to be collateralized by record sale revenues. He described the terms as “the money we got from our distributors [went] directly to a locked box at the bank, where they would pay themselves first, then us.”

An inveterate gambler, Gordy then threw a winning roll. Motown’s last reliables came through for him. Ross’ Chic collaboration, Wonder’s Hotter Than July, Smokey Robinson’s Being with You, the Commodores’ In the Pocket: all went gold or platinum and each had at least one Top 10 hit. He paid off the loan within the year.

But the near-disaster had exposed how fragile Motown had become. The network of independent record distributors it had built over decades—the circulatory system of one of the last big US independent labels left—was fraying. Each time an indie label signed with a major to move their records (A&M, Motown’s former distribution partner, went with RCA in 1979; Chrysalis and Arista with CBS and RCA, respectively, in 1982), more independent distributors collapsed. Each year brought more shipping delays, spottier coverage, more late to non-existent payments.

Bowing to the inevitable, Motown signed a national distribution deal with MCA in 1983. It looked good on paper (Gordy: “one company, one check—that we knew would be there on time”) but it was the start of the end. Motown could no longer dictate marketing strategies to its distributors; it was now a client of a rival.

Motown radio ad

The Eighties were Motown’s time of scrabbling. Hope the reliables come through yet again, hope for a fluke hit (as happened when DJs revived Charlene’s “I’ve Never Been to Me,” a grotesque “courtesan regrets” single that she’d cut for Motown years before, and made it one of the label’s top sellers of 1982). Gordy slashed executive pay by 15% and hired Jay Lasker, who had signed the Four Tops to ABC/Dunhill, as the label’s new president and COO.

Lasker soon discovered that Motown was riddled through with nepotism: Gordy’s children, siblings, and extended family were in every nook of the business. And he believed the label wasn’t exploiting a trend for which it was ideally suited to exploit.

The Baby Boomers, now in their thirties and forties, were primed to buy albums they had already owned, and almost all of them had owned a Motown record. “Time flies by so fast that the Temptations are becoming nostalgia,” as Chuck Thurston of the Detroit Free Press wrote in October 1980.

In the Motor City, Berry Gordy is seen as an old friend who got advice, didn’t lose his money, but somehow forgot how he’d made it. “Motown has no sound now,” says one Detroiter whose views echo so many others. “It’s just another record company…All they do out there is live off the past.”

Nelson George, Where Did Our Love Go? (1985)

So Lasker issued a score of compilations (Gordy called him “the packager”), flogging them on late-night TV commercials. A syndicated six-hour special, narrated by Smokey Robinson (“The Artists and the Music That Started It All”—Motown as the place where things once had happened), was offered to radio stations for free: giving them a “documentary” that was, in truth, a lengthy advertisement for the Motown catalog. To capitalize on this, as Adam White wrote, Lasker “reactivated dozens of Motown catalog albums as “midlines,” pricing them at $5.98 [the Tops’ Still Waters Run Deep among them] and grossing more than $5 million as a consequence.”

When he saw that Lasker was releasing classic albums as “two-fer” reissues (e.g., What’s Going On and Let’s Get It On on one CD), Gordy thought the discs looked like “schlock merchandise,” fit for the back bin. “The two-for-ones are keeping us in business,” Lasker told him. “But for how long?” Gordy replied. “We’re selling off our cream.”

No matter. Lasker came to regard his role at Motown as an executor, supervising its inevitable demise. Speaking to the Atlanta Journal in 1983, he claimed Motown’s “sales were up significantly…because we kept a closer eye on what we were doing. We had to. Very frankly, we didn’t have any rich uncle with a deep pocket in Germany or England or a broadcast company to turn to when we get in trouble like other labels owned by conglomerates. So we were very frugal and very selective in the records we put out.”

One result, as per Raynoma Gordy: “What Motown had to show for itself was a million different albums with “Baby Love” and no new talent.”

Motown at 25

Motown as a premiere nostalgia brand, increasingly positioned to older white buyers (“The Label That Started It All,” with the unspoken caveat that “It” had ended at some point, probably around the time you hit thirty). And its counterlife: the actual Motown of the early Eighties—a label of mostly Black artists who played R&B and funk, whose records hit in clubs and on the R&B/”urban” charts, but who were rarely in the Pop Top 40: Rick James, the Stone City Band, Teena Marie, High Inergy, Switch, Bettye LaVette, Bobby Nunn, the Dazz Band.

The two Motowns could not be reconciled. Its legacy acts could still manage to get on Top 40 radio, but most of its younger talent was frozen out. A mix of institutional racism at MTV (“they told me Rick James was just not white enough,” Motown’s Nancy Leiviska told Billboard) and Lasker’s refusal to spend money on videos meant that Motown was nowhere on music television.

Apart from one video: a remix of Marvin Gaye’s “I Heard It Through the Grapevine,” cut to scenes from The Big Chill.

Big Chill Campaigns

Kevin Kline grooving

Even if you’ve never watched Lawrence Kasdan’s The Big Chill, you may know the scene. Old friends from the University of Michigan—alleged former student radicals, now in their thirties—reunite for a funeral, spending a weekend in the grand home of Kevin Kline and Glenn Close’s characters. After dinner, Kline puts on The Temptations’ Anthology, kissing the cover as if it’s a holy relic. Jeff Goldblum, who plays the one character who might own a Talking Heads record, teases Kline: “Don’t you have any other music, you know, from this century?” Kline replies, with a sniff: “There is no other music, not in my house.”

Goldblum: There’s been a lot of terrific music in the last ten years.

Kline: Like what?

Case closed. Everyone dances to “Ain’t Too Proud to Beg” while doing the dishes.

Big Chill label

Music from The Big Chill Soundtrack, issued by Motown in September 1983, was one of the label’s biggest sellers of the decade (“a wonderful soundtrack from a genuinely despicable film,” as per Dave Marsh)—its only rival of the period, in terms of units shifted, was Lionel Richie’s Can’t Slow Down.

Motown first had thought the soundtrack wouldn’t do much. These were old songs you couldn’t promote on the radio and there wasn’t the budget for the Rolling Stones’ “You Can’t Always Get What You Want,” one of the film’s big numbers. But The Big Chill would be the triumph of Nostalgia Motown (even if only five of its eleven tracks were Motown songs).

Lasker quickly came around once the film was a hit, buying ads on a hundred FM stations with primarily white audiences. “AOR programmers would say this music doesn’t fit their demographics,” he told Billboard. “But the people going to see this movie are basically the same people they say are their demographics. Columbia Pictures tells me, and my own common sense tells me, what the market is on the picture: white, upper middle class college kids and alumni…I think it’s also going to sell in some black shops. But I don’t think that’s where the big market is.”

By early 1984, the soundtrack had sold over 800,000 copies and eventually went triple platinum, spurring the release of More Songs from The Big Chill Soundtrack (also platinum). Columbia Pictures’ Robert Holmes claimed that “Motown has found that people see the movie in a mall theater and come out so happy that they walk right across to the record store and buy the album.” Synergy!

raisins

Soon to follow: what the ad industry termed “Big Chill campaigns,” usually set to a Motown track. Lincoln-Mercury kicked it off with a TV spot cued to “Ain’t No Mountain High Enough” (middle-aged people drive to their 25th high school reunion through valley low, river wide, etc.) Young & Rubicam, who made the ad, said it was targeting a market group with “a proclivity to buy imports” to instead consider “buying American.”

Levi’s had an ad in which a soldier, home from some indeterminate war, is handed a pair of 501 jeans by his girlfriend; it’s scored to, naturally, “My Girl.” It culminated in 1986 with the California Raisins dancing to “I Heard It Through the Grapevine,” a piece of late 20th Century minstrelsy in Claymation. There were 300 licensed Raisins products by 1988, including four albums issued within two years (Motown really missed a beat by not being the label to release them).

The other Big Chill effect was the Motown needle-drop, inescapable in movies by the end of the decade. My Girl; nuns singing “My God” and “Ball of Confusion” in the Sister Act pictures; Susan Sarandon, given a terminal diagnosis in Stepmom, warding off the blues by singing “Ain’t No Mountain High Enough” with her kids.

In The Big Chill, the music at least was meant to evoke the characters’ youth. Now there was Motown—reduced to a set of a dozen or so golden hits—as a mood ventilation system. A music free of contemporary troubles, “universal,” bright and solid and everlasting, a music of good times, of elegance, well-cut suits and American cars. A Sixties without a Vietnam, without a Watts ’65 or Detroit ’67; monochrome and monaural and, increasingly, monoracial.

All the compromises that Gordy had made when building his empire, the evasions, the side-steps, all the glosses and airbrushes and tonedowns that he needed to sell his artists and his records: all had been done in the service of a future in which these compromises would not need to be made. But now people yearned for the choreography, to consider as perfection what was meant to be transitory. That the bridge was the destination.

Against this, how could the Motown of the present compete? How could it not seem irrelevant? The Motown 25 special, hosted by a wary-looking Richard Pryor, was greatly the loving recreation of old glories—the Miracles reunited with Smokey Robinson, the classic Supremes (grudgingly) singing together—until Michael Jackson broke the frame with his performance of “Billie Jean,” a sudden incursion of the new. But of course, Jackson was on Epic now.

Back to Back to Basics

Tops in newspaper 1983

The return of the Four Tops to Motown, announced in the summer of 1983, was another sign that the label was calling everyone home.

To keep playing off the “stage rivalry” bit the Tops had done with the Temptations (who had returned to Motown in 1980), the two groups would release albums simultaneously in late 1983, crafted as counterpart reunions.

The Temptations’ Back to Basics, which featured a tuneless duet with the Tops (“The Battle Song”) and a nautical-themed track (“Sail Away”), had songs and production by Norman Whitfield, with whom the Temptations hadn’t worked in a decade. And the Tops’ Back Where I Belong, which had a tuneless duet with the Temptations (“Hang”) and a nautical-themed track (“Sail On”), had songs and production by Lamont Dozier and Brian & Eddie Holland.

The recording of Back Where I Belong was the first time that the Tops and H-D-H had been in the same room since 1967. “A lot of the magic that had sparked between us had gone,” Brian Holland later wrote. “But some of it returned. We came up with half an album’s worth of new songs, which we wrote and produced in exactly the same fashion as we did in the old days. Listening to Levi’s voice after all those years was like stepping into a time machine.”

D Without the H-H

invictus single
“I tried to get it, but you won’t surrender”: the end, for a time, of the Holland-Dozier-Holland partnership (1973)

By 1973, Invictus and Hot Wax, the record labels that Holland-Dozier-Holland had founded in the wake of their split with Motown, were crumbling.

Singles missed the charts, the acts were restless, payments dried up, the partnership foundered. “We rarely got together to discuss songs or who could cut them and we each began traveling different roads as we got our own responsibilities at the company,” Lamont Dozier wrote in his memoir.

Without Motown as their financier and common cause of complaint, the H-D-H alliance was exposed as the fragile union of two brothers and an outsider. Dozier rarely got his way, as the Hollands were a block vote. He blamed them for Invictus failing to sign Al Green and the Ohio Players, for letting a relationship with George Clinton wither.

Also, Eddie Holland got half of the partnership’s earnings, the remainder split between his brother and Dozier. Eddie claimed this was due to “the other tasks that had fallen to me…I was effectively producing (not to mention schooling) the singers in the studio. I was also active from an administrative angle. Whenever there was a decision to be made, or a problem to be solved, I was the one to whom both Brian and Lamont, and everybody else, turned.”

Lost in a disastrous marriage, an alcoholic who was now suffering panic attacks, Dozier could no longer find solace or even distraction in work. He started recording under his own name again, only to see his singles get barely promoted by a label he co-owned.

Keeping an eye on the Four Tops, Dozier saw the group revive upon departing Motown for ABC/Dunhill. So as Eddie Holland tried to salvage Invictus (“Holland–Dozier–Holland had never known failure in the past. I was adamant that they never would”), Dozier walked away, leaving the Hollands behind in Detroit. He moved to Los Angeles and signed with ABC as a solo artist. Hot Wax folded; Invictus limped on for another few years.

A breakup with the usual repercussions: years of litigation among the Hollands, ABC, and Dozier. “In the end I was finally freed from all my contracts with the Hollands, but I had to forfeit my ownership share of Invictus, Hot Wax and our publishing companies to get completely disentangled. The whole thing was unpleasant, unfortunate, and very expensive,” Dozier wrote.

Goin’ back to being myself
I can’t live for nobody else

“Going Back to My Roots”

Still, he could be Lamont Dozier again, not the middle initial of a brand.

He hit with “Trying to Hold On to My Woman” in 1973 and had a solid run, moving to Warner Brothers mid-decade. Some of his finest records were “Fish Ain’t Bitin’,” an R&B #4 whose Nixon barbs (“Tricky Dick is trying to be slick/ And the short end of the stick is all I’m gonna get/ Tricky Dick, please quit!”) earned ABC an angry letter from the White House (some things are eternal); the diaspora funk Going Back to My Roots (1977), cut with Hugh Masekela; and the refined disco Bittersweet (1979), produced by Frank Wilson.

An endearing thing about Dozier as a singer is his inherent gruffness; he’s the most exasperated-sounding of love men. On “Boogie Business,” he yells “Boogie!” like a subway conductor.

Eddie Holland felt betrayed, but over time he could look through Dozier’s eyes. “Throughout those first few years after he went out on his own, people were constantly asking for the three of us. He was always having to explain that he could do it himself and he didn’t need us.”

“[But] I don’t think he understood that the three of us really were much stronger together than apart,” he added. “He could never get that into his head. He would always fight it. He had the thirst for it to be D without the HH. And now it was. But I remember telling him, ‘You could do whatever you wanted on your own, and Brian and I could do whatever we wanted on our own. But we could never be bigger than Holland–Dozier–Holland. Never.’ And he looked at me and said, ‘You believe that, don’t you?’ ‘Absolutely,’ I answered.”

Never a great sign when you get the “marina” photo-shoot (1981)

In the early Eighties, Dozier had stopped drinking, was in a marriage which would endure for the rest of his life, and was otherwise a complete disaster. He was being audited by the IRS. He was stuck in an onerous publishing contract and his albums weren’t selling. His house was being foreclosed on. His business manager quit, as there was no money to manage.

So he reconciled with the Hollands, with H-D-H writing and producing for the Real World label (including the 1980 self-titled debut of Sterling Harrison, who sang like a variation on Dozier). His reconciliation with Motown came a few years later, when H-D-H were at the Motown 25 taping, hanging out in rehearsals.

The Hollands already had made their peace with Berry Gordy, once the lawsuits were (temporarily) settled and Eddie had confronted him face to face. “We talked over the past, my departure, the conflict, the lawsuit, and I told him, ‘I blame you for that, because you were the oldest. You knew how to handle that stuff, but you sent me to this person and that person, you refused to talk to me about it and it spiraled out of control,'” Eddie wrote. “And [Gordy] said, ‘Yeah, you’re right. So, let’s make a deal.'”

The Hollands wrote and produced for The Supremes and the Jackson 5, but found the work unrewarding. Motown was no longer Hitsville on Woodward Avenue in Detroit, but a second-tier general entertainment business in Los Angeles. And the Hollands were no longer the magical equation “H-D-H” but a pair of hired guns with a middling track record of late.

The last Supremes album (with the final lineup of Mary Wilson, Scherrie Payne & Susaye Greene), produced and co-written by Brian and Eddie Holland, 1976

One idea, suggested by Motown Productions head Suzanne de Passe, was for the reunited H-D-H to write a Motown-produced Broadway adaptation of Oliver Twist, called Twist, with an all-Black cast. “We were able to set aside the disputes of the recent past, and we worked diligently together, just like we’d done in the old days,” Dozier said. “We came up with a handful of great songs that we were all really proud of.” They wanted to top what Lionel Bart had done in Oliver!: do a Detroit takeover of a storied London property.

Until Motown sent H-D-H “some funky paperwork, asking us to sign over our publishing rights to the songs we created for the score,” Dozier said. He’d already signed a publishing deal with Warner Chappell “and couldn’t have given over the publishing rights even if I’d wanted to! I ended up having to withdraw from the project. Since I was the “idea man,” the Hollands withdrew as well, and the project fell apart.”

This isn’t quite how Eddie Holland recalls it. While he agreed that H-D-H “were going great guns” on Twist, he noted that Dozier was also working on a play of his own, called Angel Quest (a play not mentioned once in Dozier’s memoir). “He wanted to spend [more time] on it, to the detriment of Twist. And finally, he got a bite, and that was it. He pulled out and, because that entire project was predicated on having new songs by Holland–Dozier–Holland, that was the end of it.”

But another 1983 project survived—composing and producing for the Four Tops’ Motown return. The songs came together easily enough. The trio lined up the keyboardist John Barnes for rhythm arrangements and synthesizer programming (Barnes was a Motown regular who’d soon work with Michael Jackson); the Tops were, as always, a quick study in the studio.

One afternoon, a couple of hours after an H-D-H writing session, a pair of FBI agents knocked on Dozier’s door. They asked if the Holland brothers had been there earlier. Dozier realized the FBI had been surveilling his house.

“Now, Eddie and Brian and I have had our differences over the years, but there’s a bond of loyalty there that can’t ever be broken,” Dozier wrote. So he told the FBI, no, the two men they had seen leaving were Jehovah’s Witnesses. He had invited them in and listened to them talk about God in his living room. The FBI came back with a warrant, searched Dozier’s house, found nothing of interest, and left. They never contacted him again. “I still don’t know what it was all about,” Dozier said.

Don’t Look Back, You Can Never Look Back

Tops, 1983

Motown eventually put the album out, but they didn’t really put it out.

Duke Fakir

In 1983, the Four Tops were back at Motown, back with H-D-H and Berry Gordy, and they made a record whose guests include Aretha Franklin and The Temptations. If you’re not familiar with this album (quite possible), you might wonder if it’s a late-in-career classic, remembered fondly over forty years later. It’s not.

Back Where I Belong stiffed upon release (an R&B #47) and was swiftly forgotten (Fakir, in his memoir, thought that the record had come out in 1985, after Magic). It’s a record on which everyone involved does work so inferior to their past efforts that it feels like a collective act of self-sabotage. “It was the first time we had worked together in so long, there were probably some cobwebs,” Fakir told Billboard in 1985. “We were so glad to be back that we rushed the album.”

It didn’t help that H-D-H and Gordy were at loggerheads again. Dozier claimed that Motown tried the same play as with Twist, asking H-D-H to sign over their publishing to Jobete. “I couldn’t believe that, after everything we’d been through on that very issue,” he wrote. “I wasn’t in a position to do it…and I wouldn’t have considered it. As a result, Motown didn’t really promote the album like they could have, and the whole thing sort of fizzled.”

The Hollands blamed the Jay Lasker-era Motown for being cheap. The first single, one of the LP’s more listenable tracks, ‘”I Just Can’t Walk Away,” started off strongly. “Radio was keen, sales were good, and the promo man was adamant that it was heading for the Top 20,” Brian said. “But only, he said, if Motown put some money behind it.” Eddie: “Berry and I went back and forth on that…but ultimately we could never reach an accord. And then the single started to drop down the chart, so it didn’t matter anymore.”

Tops Just Can't Walk Away single

Back Where I Belong sounds like what it was: men who had been around since the Eisenhower administration flailing in the mid-Eighties. The Tops had been adept, able to handle changing tastes, singing disco and light funk with as much élan as they’d sung Rodgers and Hammerstein numbers. And H-D-H’s records of the start of the decade, particularly the Sterling Harrison album and Dozier’s Lamont, were still credible R&B.

But in a year when labels were going as all-in on synthesizers as companies are now with generative AI, there was no time to adjust, to find the right footing. Instead, the Tops get hurled into the world of Oberheim and Yamaha and the uptempo numbers defeat them.

On the opener, “Make Yourself Right at Home,” Levi Stubbs has to sing over a raucous, downward-sliding synth bass and a battery of keyboard flourishes, and the result sounds like he’s cut his vocal on the floor of an industrial sand plant: “Relax your feelings in my easy chair!..lay back while I open up my…pleasure chestrelax!!!” (one of the more agitated calls to relax! ever recorded). On “Sail On,” the chorus hook is an air raid siren that makes the Tops run for cover.

The best you get are a few worn-out ballads and some “special guest star” shtick, with Aretha Franklin showing up as if the Tops had won a raffle. There’s one outlier: a slow, luxe-ominous version of “The Masquerade Is Over.” Even that track is mixed poorly: throughout the record, the harmonies sound as if they were run through a digital watch. The album’s ideal medium is probably a 96kpbs MP3 file.

D with the HH

Back Where I Belong was the end of H-D-H and the Tops: their footnote. In the following decades, the Hollands and Dozier would work together, drift apart, be drawn together again. As the years went on, the Hollands felt they were strangers in a music business they’d help build. “I suppose I stopped writing for the pop market when rap and hip hop became dominant, and I realized how much things had changed,” Eddie said.

Dozier kept in the game as long as he could. He co-wrote “Two Hearts” and “Loco in Acapulco” (see below) with Phil Collins; he co-wrote a Joss Stone single. H-D-H finally did a musical in the late 2000s—an adaptation of The First Wives Club. The original run closed quickly; a revival in 2015, with a new book and score that interspersed H-D-H’s Motown standards with their newly-written pieces, fared somewhat better. Now the play opened with “Stop! In the Name of Love!,” giving the audience what they wanted.

There came the epilogue years: awards in glass cases, medals, hall of fame inductions, Hollywood Boulevard stars.

After the Hollywood ceremony in 2015, the Hollands and Dozier went to a lunch in their honor. Stevie Wonder sat behind a piano and rifled through their catalog. Has high blood pressure got a hold on me? Love is like an itchin’ in my heart. When you feel that you can’t go on! Drumming chords, laughing upon the swoops of minors to majors, taking one melody line—re-flec-tions of…the way life used-to-be!—and stringing it to another: when I needed the shelter of someone’s arms..there. you. were.

As Wonder sang, Dozier felt everything he’d carried fall away—the resentments, the lawsuits, the grievances and frustrations. He was left with the work. Brian at the piano back in Detroit, seeking with his hands to resolve a verse. A trundle along the bass keys, a sketch for James Jamerson to embellish. Does this key work for Levi? For Marvin? Diana? Wonder sang Dozier a future, showed him where he’d be found in the world that went on after him. “The songs. That’s all that matters now,” Dozier wrote.

He died in 2022, less than a year after his wife passed. “It just took a lot out of him,” Eddie Holland said.

ACT IV: A WALL OF SOLID LOVE

You Know Darn Well, When You Cast Your Spell

Magic back cover

The Four Tops’ grand return home had come to naught, so they spent another year trying to do it over again. Their next record, issued in May 1985, was optimistically titled Magic; its cover has each Top clad in a specific color, as if they were Clue suspects.

Rather than Holland-Dozier-Holland (represented only by a plastic caffeinated take on a Sixties H-D-H song, “I’m Ready for Love”), the key figure was now Willie Hutch, who co-wrote and produced most of the LP’s first side, centering the Tops in immaculate mid-Eighties R&B arrangements.

Take the opener, “I Can Feel the Magic,” built on punches of the Oberheim DMX, with washes of keyboards and margin comments by “tasty” guitar and alto sax—there’s room enough for a sixteen-bar Gerald Albright sax solo and an equally long break of volleying Tops harmonies, sax, and guitar, to the point where when Levi Stubbs finally returns to the mike, it’s a mild surprise. “Sexy Ways” has a synclavier hook that’s a cousin to the one in Peter Gabriel and Laurie Anderson’s “Excellent Birds.” On “Don’t Tell Me That It’s Over,” using an Alfredo Washington bassline as a tightrope, Stubbs is incredulously devastated; Payton, Fakir and Benson offer advice (“don’t do it!”) and comfort.

Hiring Reggie Lucas to write and produce the other half of the record seemed like an inspired choice—his work on Madonna’s debut LP had reminded the Gordys of H-D-H. But Lucas offered a set of nothing compositions (“Don’t Turn Away,” “Again”—just reading the titles fills you with inertia) which have occasionally rising melodies in lieu of choruses; they’re stand-ins for songs. The Tops politely wander through, as if being shown around a house by a realtor.

Hot Nights

Magic flopped and the Tops pressed on, starting work on a third album. The sessions yielded the “Hot Nights” single in 1986, their last for Motown. “Hot Nights” is essentially a mid-Eighties Rod Stewart song, suitable for a wine cooler commercial. The Tops sing it better than he could have, but Rod might’ve sold the thing, while the Tops’ single went nowhere. Motown passed on doing another album, and the group was gone again. The Tops/Motown reunion was an empty bag: it might as well have never happened.

INTERMISSION: EVERY MOTOWN SINGLE RELEASED BETWEEN 1984 & JUNE 1988, PLUS A FEW EPILOGUE 45s

“I’m Tired, Smoke”

Berry Gordy 1988

Every day now, he woke to find that the walls had moved closer to him.

Berry Gordy had spent nearly thirty years running a record label. Brian Holland said, of the last days of Motown, that there were “a lot more people making decisions, or not making decisions…In the Sixties, we could run in and record when we felt like it. You have an idea, you write it down, you call up the musicians you need, you go in and record. Out in California, though, everything was business. You had to book the studio weeks in advance. There were different people making decisions about what was going to be a hit; all these promotion guys, not really music people, sticking their personal opinions in.”

“It wasn’t about music anymore, it was about what would make money, or what they thought would,” he added. “The problem was, they often thought wrong.” The Hollands and Dozier said Gordy should have never left Detroit, that Motown, ripped from its roots, had become something nebulous and soulless, a brand management company with a gambling habit.

Gordy spent nights at his computer, trying to find an out. Sell the publishing, sell the master tapes at Sotheby’s. Go public. Merge with another indie label. Nothing looked feasible. It now cost a minimum of $100,000 to promote a record, Gordy said—any record, and “you weren’t even guaranteed airplay.” Motown carried a crushing overhead and needed to make $40 million per year just to break even (its income in 1986 was $8 million).

And Motown’s contemporaries were being swallowed up; even the corporations, by larger corporations. In 1986, Bertelsmann bought RCA for $300 million. Sony got Columbia for $2 billion the following year. PolyGram bought A&M in 1989, for $500 million, and then for good measure nabbed Island for $300 million; EMI bought Chrysalis for $75 million.

“It was not only that we were losing money,” Gordy wrote in his memoir. He was running a label whose new releases included Roq-In’ Zoo (“Frig-O-Rator”), Star Search winner Sam Harris (“Sugar Don’t Bite”), hip-hop adjacent General Kane (“Crack Killed Applejack”), and the remnants of a last folly, a “new wave” rock label called Morocco (in a final Marvel Comics parallel, Morocco was Motown’s equivalent, in ambition, embarrassment and longevity, to Marvel’s New Universe). He was the ruler of a kingdom of the ersatz. “I had lost interest,” he said. “After thirty years, it was work, real work.”

In late 1986, Gordy flirted with selling Motown, entering into negotiations with MCA, only to get cold feet when lawyers began hammering out details, which included Gordy being barred from using his name professionally for five years. Stevie Wonder had negotiated a clause in his contract that gave him veto power if he didn’t approve of a buyer for Motown, and the proposed deal, the sale of the largest Black US record label to a conglomerate, had drawn the ire of many, including Jesse Jackson.

Gordy tried to rally, or at least acted like it. In 1987 he fired Jay Lasker, made Skip Miller and Lee Young Jr. co-presidents; he got Al Bell from Stax to reinvigorate the label’s creative division and set a $38 million budget for developing new acts.

It was far too late. Motown had no pool of young talent to draw from (big signings of 1987 included Georgio and Carrie McDowell (“Uh Uh, No No, Casual Sex”)). The label had become a dependent of El DeBarge (dumping the rest of his family in 1986), Lionel Richie (about to go on hiatus until the Clinton administration), and its bottom cards, Robinson and Wonder. The only bet that paid off was Motown signing Bruce Willis to sing sub-karaoke versions of R&B classics, coordinating the album with an HBO special—”Respect Yourself” hit #5 and The Return of Bruno went gold.

Smokey Robinson came into Gordy’s office in the spring of 1988, bustling as usual, talking up his new song as another potential smash. Gordy told him that another smash wouldn’t help. It was time to sell. Robinson sat down, incredulous. “I’m tired, Smoke,” Gordy said. “I know you are, I know you are,” Robinson said, nodding, and, with that, a story ended.

At the end of June 1988, Gordy sold Motown to MCA and Boston Ventures Management for $61 million (MCA would own 20% of the label). Gordy told Jesse Jackson that it had come down to three choices: “sell out, bail out or fall out.” So he’d sold. But he kept his publishing. After all, Jobete earned him $10 million a year, mostly on songs he’d released decades earlier. He wasn’t giving that up yet.

Two months after the sale, the Four Tops put out a new record, their twenty-third album, on a fresh label, Arista. They had been around years before Gordy had imagined Motown; they would be there after it.

The Last Charge

Tops Indestructible

The Tops had approached Clive Davis at Arista, who liked what the group had cut in their last year at Motown, particularly a song by Michael Price and Bobby Sandstrom called “Indestructible.” Davis was masterful at the promotion of grand schmaltz, and “Indestructible” had a chorus worthy of Diane Warren (who also wrote a song on the Tops’ Arista album).

Davis could already hear “Indestructible” being played over workout montages in Stallone movies, soundtracking Super Bowl clips, Jeep Wrangler ads, or Army recruitment spots (U.S. marines storm a Grenadan beach, or Top Gun jocks engage enemy aircraft, while Levi Stubbs hollers “INDESTRUCTIBLE!”—it’s shocking that it didn’t happen).

So Davis signed the Tops, bought the in-progress tracks from Motown and soldered together an album, gave the group money to make a video (the Tops, all wearing Dad jeans, stride through a Hollywood backlot and inspire the gentlest of commotions) and went to work selling the single. Davis flew the Tops to a villa in Spain to do press interviews in Europe; he got the song in NBC promotions for the Seoul Olympics.

And after all of that, “Indestructible” barely cracked the Top 40, falling out after a week; it stalled at #57 on the R&B charts; the album peaked at #149. As Fakir noted, “something about that song just didn’t hit.” Indestructible, the last Tops album of original material, is the work of a dozen studios and nearly as many writing and production teams. The close of a recording life in bright corporate anonymity.

The album was best known for another single, a Phil Collins/Lamont Dozier composition written for Collins’ movie Buster. “Loco in Acapulco” is a more humane version of “Kokomo”—its chorus melody burrows into the brain. It would be the last pop bid (a UK #7) for the group that had sung “Baby I Need Your Loving,” the cosmonauts of “Reach Out I’ll Be There.” Going loco! DOWN in Aca-pulco!

The Tops did a performance of it on Top of the Pops in December 1988. Perfectly choreographed and dressed as always, singing with as much exuberance as they did “I Can’t Help Myself.” Because they had a UK hit, the TOTP producer kept them in London for another day to tape a second performance, causing them to miss the flight they’d booked, which was blown up over Scotland by terrorist bomb. “Loco in Acapulco,” whatever its sins, quite possibly saved their lives.

ACT V: EXEUNT OMNES

Lawrence

Tops ca 75

Their recording days were over and they settled into a touring life.

Around 1996, Lawrence Payton, who had felt worn down, went to a neurologist, who found that he had high PSA levels. He didn’t go back for a follow-up exam, as the doctor recommended. “He tried to put it out of his mind for a year,” Fakir wrote, until one night, when the Tops were playing Atlantic City, Payton couldn’t go on. He had developed a boil and felt awful. The engagement was cancelled and Payton flew home to Detroit, where he learned that cancer had spread from his prostate to his liver and bladder.

The other Tops visited Payton in the hospital, held “little meetings with him, talking like we always did,” Fakir wrote. “But it became too difficult for him to speak. He’d just nod.” Payton was moved to his house in Southfield, a Detroit suburb, where he died early in the morning of 20 July 1997.

“He just eased on out,” Fakir said. Payton was fifty-nine, “the youngest one of us. We weren’t prepared to let him go.”

The funeral was in Oak Grove. BeBe Winans sang. Stubbs, Fakir, and Benson did a tune that Payton had written a few years before: “there’ll always be the four of us.” They stood at Payton’s casket, “touching him for the last time,” Fakir said. “We cried like babies. It was inconceivable that he was gone.”

They had all thought that once one Top was gone, the others wouldn’t perform under that name again. “But somehow we decided to carry on,” Fakir said. They would tour as a trio. Their manager suggested an alteration—the Three Tops, or The Tops. After briefly considering the latter name, they balked. “We’d worked together for years to remain a foursome, which was our identity,” Fakir said. “The Four Tops was a brand, not a number.”

For a few seconds each night, in the space between when the announcer said their name and when they took their positions on stage, there were still four of them.

Obie

One day in 2004, Obie Benson stubbed his toe, or “at least that’s what we thought,” Fakir said. After a week, the toe grew discolored and Benson had pains shooting up his leg. He kept doing gigs although he could barely dance—he’d have a physical therapist massage him before and after. He passed out in the middle of a Christmas performance. Somehow he kept working until March 2005, when he sang “Reach Out I’ll Be There” with the Tops on the Late Show: it was his last appearance.

The doctors told him he had gangrene, that it had spread, that his leg had to be amputated. Benson woke up after surgery, dazed on painkillers, and screamed at the doctor, “motherfucker! I came to you with a hurt leg and a bad toe and you cut off my whole motherfucking leg!” Fakir said that Benson called him, incredulous, begging him to come get him out of the hospital, as though somehow “the two of us could fix it.”

While Benson was in the hospital, they ran further tests and found he had Stage Four lung cancer. He had a heart attack while undergoing chemotherapy and died in Harper University Hospital in Detroit, in the early morning of 1 July 2005. He was sixty-nine.

Levi

“Having Levi still alive was my greatest consolation,” Fakir wrote.

Stubbs was never the same after Payton died. The three-man Four Tops toured for a while, but Fakir had to do all of the high harmonies, and Stubbs grew wearied. They became a quartet again, hiring an ex-Temptation, Theo Peoples, as their new tenor.

One night, before a show co-headlining with the Beach Boys, Stubbs found that his legs and voice were too weak for him to perform. Ronnie McNeir, the Tops’ pianist, had to be the fourth Top that night. When the Tops walked on stage, the audience yelled “where’s Levi?” A Four Tops without Levi Stubbs was inconceivable, yet here it was. (Another shout: “what’s up with those shoes?” McNeir had had no time to get proper shoes and wore his own, which were fit for piano pedals, not dancing).

Stubbs left the Four Tops at the end of the century: his last show was a Christmas party at the White House, in the ebb of Bill Clinton’s presidency. In the years afterward, he had a series of strokes which, at times, left him unable to move. A man with one of the most magnificent voices on earth now struggled to speak. He developed diabetes and his teeth had deteriorated—the latter was owed to a horrific dentist Stubbs had seen during a UK tour, Fakir claimed, saying that Stubbs’ teeth had never recovered. Fakir would visit Stubbs to find him “lying in one spot, moaning and groaning.”

Stubbs died in his home in Detroit, early in the morning of 17 October 2008. “His passing was merciful for him but it just killed me,” Fakir said. “It was the first time in my life that I felt truly alone.”

Duke

Duke kept living.

“I’m not going to ever retire,” he wrote in 2021. “The Lord can retire me…I know I’m not in the fourth quarter anymore, I’m in overtime.”

He would be the remnant, the original in the group’s new formations [the early 2010s version seen above]. The Four Tops would be Peoples (1998-2010, 2025-; lead vocal), McNeir (2000-present; second tenor), Lawrence Payton Jr. (2005-present; bass/baritone—Payton’s son and Benson’s heir in the group), Harold “Spike” Bonhart (2010-2018; lead vocal), Alexander Morris (2018-2025; lead vocal), and Michael Brock (2024-present, first tenor).

Fakir did a podcast, he wrote a memoir, he was on stage until autumn 2023—in his old age, he had a baronial elegance in his manner. He was here for so long that it became difficult to imagine a world without him; it still does. He died of bladder cancer and heart failure in his home in Detroit, on 22 July 2024. He was eighty-eight.

The Four Tops (A Four Tops) are doing a run of shows in California in a month. Berry Gordy is still here, as are the Hollands. Motown is a brand, a playlist, an earmarked time. Hitsville is a museum. Detroit endures.

A night at Harrah’s in Lake Tahoe, at the dawn of the Sixties. The Four Tops are young; they ring with ambition. Tonight they’re part of Billy Eckstine’s act. Before the show, Eckstine takes Duke Fakir aside, parts the curtain with his hand, tells him to look out at the audience.

“Take care of them. They’ve been taking care of me no matter what I’ve done all my life,” Eckstine says. “Don’t play them cheap, because they will be your life.” And so they would be, and so they were.

8. Four Tops (Part Three)

DISCOGRAPHY SOURCES PLAYLISTS PART ONE PART TWO

Prologue: Who Are They To Judge Us?

In June 1969, the Four Tops have a three-week residency in the Venetian Room at the Fairmont Hotel in San Francisco. The Examiner reviews opening night. “There is a bit of the usual Motown monotony in the arrangements but the Tops change the pace effectively and have everything going their own way by the hour’s midpoint.” The Tops are said to be “more relaxed and less affected” than their (unnamed) “compatriots.”

The Venetian Room had opened a few months before. It has twenty-four-feet-high ceilings, murals commissioned from Italy, fourteen wall chandeliers, gold moldings. The sort of space in which Cornelius Vanderbilt would have felt at home. Jack Jones (“Wives and Lovers”) was the inaugural performer; Phyllis Diller is booked after the Four Tops’ run.

Each night in the Venetian Room, Obie Benson sings harmonies on “Climb Every Mountain” and “Baby I Need Your Loving” and “If I Were a Carpenter,” then goes back to his hotel. He turns on the television to watch San Francisco under siege. Upon the People’s Park uprising in mid-May, Gov. Ronald Reagan has mandated a curfew and now occupies Berkeley. Thousands of National Guard troop through the streets, breaking up any gatherings of hippie undesirables, piling into bars and cafes to make arrests.

“I saw all the kids up there with long hair and everything,” Benson recalls to Ben Edmonds decades later. “The police was beating on them but they weren’t bothering anybody. I saw this, and I started wondering what the fuck was going on.”

Benson goes home to Detroit and starts working on a song with Motown staff writer Al Cleveland. The Tops don’t want it. We don’t do protest, his groupmates say, honoring the credo of their label’s founder. “I said no, man, it’s a love song about love and understanding,” Benson argues. “I’m not protesting, I want to know what’s going on. But they never really understood what was happening.” Benson offers it to Joan Baez, playing an early version of the song on her guitar in a dressing room. She seemed into it, he says, but he never sees her again.

Then he takes it to Marvin Gaye. Gaye is at sea at the turn of the Seventies—not touring or recording, often stoned, devoting his time to quixotic plans like trying out for the Detroit Lions at age thirty. Benson plays the song at Gaye’s house, where Duke Fakir recalls Gaye working out a melody on piano while Benson riffs on phrases. “Obie could be very adamant about things, very passionate in his convictions…he kept repeating the same thing over and over, talking about how he felt, and Marvin kept putting music to it.”

(This doesn’t quite jibe with Benson’s take on the song’s creation, which is that he and Cleveland wrote much of it, that Gaye added a few lines and “some spice to the melody,” and that he gave Gaye a co-composer slot as an incentive to sing it—Gaye had wanted to give it to The Originals.)

In early June 1970, Benson sits in the control room of Motown’s Studio B with his acoustic guitar while Gaye cuts a vocal. Gaye has called him in because he wants Benson to play along while he sings, hoping that hearing Benson’s slap-bass-style chords will carry his mind back to when he first heard Benson playing in his living room. Benson uses voicings on his guitar that Gaye had showed him, “so it was like his own voice playing along with him, understand?”

“What’s Going On” is released early in the next year, hits #2 and sells over two million copies, as does the album it titles, which has three Benson co-writes (he and Cleveland also wrote “Save the Children” and “Wholy Holy,” as well as other tracks that didn’t make the cut, including “Solidarity” and “Product of Society”). It’s a herald of Seventies Motown: a label at last growing up, or at least opening a window.

A transformational masterpiece composed by a Top that could have been a Four Tops single, which Levi Stubbs could have sung. But “we were cocooned and isolated from what was going on in the streets,” Fakir says.

The Fall of the House of Holland and Dozier

When you find that you’ve left the future behind

The Supremes, “The Happening” (1967, H-D-H).

In 1967, Berry Gordy bought a property at 918 West Boston Boulevard, in Detroit’s Boston-Edison district. He paid a quarter of a million dollars for it: a three-story Italianate manor, built by a Dutch lumber baron. Complete with Olympic-sized swimming pool, pseudo-English pub, cinema, and bowling alley, it stood a few blocks from Henry Ford’s first mansion.

Gordy Manor would be a mix of the White House and the Playboy mansion—Gordy’s receiving rooms and seat of power. He had a portrait commissioned of himself as Napoleon, which he hung in the main hall. Even the ruthless Joe Jackson was taken aback when he and his children first saw the place. “Jesus. Black people actually live like this?”

Gordy and Martha Reeves, at the Manor

Yet Gordy was spending more of his days in Los Angeles, working in the penthouse suite of Motown’s office on Sunset Boulevard. The Motown LA branch was once an outpost: a site for West Coast distributor meetings and a more efficient means to book local studios for TV performances. Now it was the future.

In October 1967, Atlantic Records was bought by Warner Bros.-Seven Arts. For two decades, Atlantic had been the premier R&B indie label, the distributor of Motown’s great rival Stax. Now it was part of a movie studio conglomerate. To keep Motown independent, to avoid becoming a cog in some transnational enterprise whose origins lay in manufacturing washing machines, Gordy determined that selling pop singles to teenagers could no longer be his primary source of income.

The obvious moves were into television: in the late Sixties, Gordy would produce a run of Motown variety specials; The Supremes alone appeared on network TV twenty-five times in two years. And, ultimately, film. He envisioned a Motown movie studio, whose features would star the label’s top acts, particularly Diana Ross (and potentially Levi Stubbs).

He still needed hits, obviously. But he had the formula down. The Supremes or the Four Tops or Martha & the Vandellas or Marvin Gaye would cut the latest Holland-Dozier-Holland song with the studio band. The track would be mixed, handed over to the sales force and the radio promoters, and there: another smash.

There was one problem. For some time now, without telling anyone, H-D-H had gone on strike.

Even in the 2010s, Holland-Dozier-Holland were cagey about what had gone down half a century before. While in his memoir, the late Lamont Dozier admitted that “we agreed we’d essentially go on strike,” the Holland brothers, in their memoir, are more circumspect, keeping to vague summaries of events. Given that the Hollands and Motown battled in courtrooms well into the Nineties, this restraint suggests a counsel-bred wariness of listing details or assigning blame.

From available evidence, Eddie Holland was the prime instigator. The elder of the Holland brothers, the most successful as a solo artist and as a collaborator with songwriters beyond his team, Eddie had long kept an eye on how the vast wealth of Motown was being distributed (Gordy once said that Eddie “was more money-minded” than his partners). While the Gordys had become the Borgias of mid-Sixties Detroit, Eddie still had to hit up Gordy for compensation. In his memoir, Gordy wrote that “Eddie’s constant requests for added incentives” had culminated in a demand for a large “personal, interest-free loan. I had said no. I felt this so-called strike might have something to do with that.”

Gordy believed that he’d been generous, in his paternal manner, to his producers, songwriters, and musicians. Earl Van Dyke was making a million dollars a year, James Jamerson was able to buy a house with a few paychecks, and Gordy had gone out of his way, he claimed, to reward H-D-H. He named Eddie as head of A&R for Motown and installed Brian as head of Quality Control, thus giving the Hollands power over who the label signed and which singles got released (with limits, naturally—e.g., Eddie couldn’t change a word in any Smokey Robinson lyric).

Now the Hollands wanted to be made partners in Motown: to own a piece of the label, to keep their publishing, and to simply know how much money their songs were actually making. Because Gordy wouldn’t disclose sales figures to the RIAA, let alone his artists.

Motown was a Gordy property and would remain one. While Gordy had known Brian and Eddie Holland since they were teenagers, they weren’t family—they would always be hired hands. Marvin Gaye had married into the Gordys and they still kept him outside.

H-D-H’s work slowdown was a gradual improvisation. Dozier, for one, was feeling lost—he was drinking too much and, after a disastrous reunion with friends from his childhood neighborhood, who called him “Mr. Big Shit” and nearly beat the hell out of him, he felt like a fraud, a sellout in his mansion in a ritzy, mostly-white neighborhood, cut off from everything. The songs began drying up.

In 1966, H-D-H had produced ninety recording sessions at Motown, thirty of which had resulted in charting hits. In the first half of 1967, however, they ran only twenty-two sessions, only five of which produced hits, including their last masterwork for The Supremes, the oscillator-haunted “Reflections.” (Their last Four Tops songs had equally prophetic titles: “You Keep Running Away” and “I’m in a Different World.”) Junior Walker’s remake of “Come See About Me,” finished on 21 July 1967, would be the last complete H-D-H production for Motown.

Diana Ross & The Supremes, with new member Cindy Birdsong, at Expo 67, Montreal, August 1967. The reconstitution of the Supremes, minus Flo Ballard and with Ross as marquee name, was another part of the Motown tumult of ’67.

By November 1967, around the time that H-D-H ran their final Four Tops session at Motown (tracking for “Different World”), Eddie had convinced his partners to retain the services of one of Detroit’s most ambitious lawyers, Edward F. Bell. What had been a shifting unhappiness with Gordy was now inked into a set of demands.

As per Stuart Cosgrove, whose Detroit 67 is the most comprehensive account of the H-D-H/Motown split, Eddie and Bell “freeze-framed a week in November 1967 and counted up the new releases, the reissues and the greatest hits.” The Supremes, for example, were touring the West Coast at the time with a setlist that was “over ninety percent written and produced by Holland-Dozier-Holland.” Bell and Eddie “listed all the times [H-D-H] songs had been used in ad jingles, on movie soundtracks and in television…they tried to estimate the number of times the Supremes [&] the Four Tops had appeared on network shows.” Their findings: Motown, to a great extent, was Holland-Dozier-Holland.

No more. H-D-H would stop writing and producing at Motown until they were rightfully compensated. Rumors flew that the trio were in talks with Capitol Records. On 4 December 1967, Eddie resigned as Motown’s A&R head. Later that month, Diana Ross cut her lead vocal for the final H-D-H Supremes single, “Forever Came Today” (true to H-D-H form, it was a rewrite of “Reflections.”)

Gordy’s removal to LA had made things worse. A man who had micro-managed singles mixes was now so absent from Motown operations that he didn’t know for months that his top songwriting team had quit working; he was finally clued in by a label executive. Gordy’s strategy, after informal talks with the Hollands went nowhere, was to call H-D-H’s bluff: on 29 August 1968, he sued them for breach of contract, seeking $4 million. He figured this would shock the group enough that they’d stop stonewalling and get back to work.

As a hedge, he scrabbled for a way to replace them. In 1968, the post H-D-H Four Tops were issuing stale covers as singles while Ross & the Supremes were in a chart slump.

Right as he filed his lawsuit, Gordy assembled a group of house composers that he dubbed The Clan, put them up in a hotel and demanded they write a fresh hit for The Supremes, with Gordy kicking things off by playing Holland-Dozier-Holland-style chords on piano. The result was “Love Child,” a number one single that sold half a million copies in a week, and a song, Gordy was delighted to learn, that everyone assumed H-D-H had written. He’d exulted in his memoir that “we’d done it without them…we would survive.”

On 14 November 1968, H-D-H countersued Motown for $22 million. They claimed acts of conspiracy, fraud, deceit, and breach of fiduciary relationships, and wanted Motown put in receivership. H-D-H, in their suit, claimed they’d never been offered a contract or legal agreement which they could independently review with outside counsel. That “Gordy had repeatedly promised to transfer ownership of Motown stock to Brian Holland and had made a promise to give Holland $1 million or the equivalent in Motown stock as remuneration”—and had reneged. That the trio had regarded Gordy “as their true friend and in effect their father,” a father who had, in turn, cheated them of royalties and “fraudulently attempted to, and did, deprive the plaintiffs of proper accounting and legal advice.” The suit further claimed that Motown had assets of over $11.5 million and its publisher Jobete assets of over $2 million, “virtually all of which were accumulated as the direct result of the efforts and creative abilities of the team Holland-Dozier-Holland.”

A dazzling offensive maneuver, it proved to be a grave mistake. Gordy was enraged by the claims of conspiracy and fraud, worried that this would play into scurrilous rumors that Motown was Mafia-owned: he vowed that he would never settle. And H-D-H’s lawyers ultimately couldn’t evade the fact that the trio had signed legal documents with Motown, agreements of which they were now in violation.

The atmosphere in Motown Detroit, already well on edge after the violence of summer 1967 (see below), grew ugly. Dozier, stopping by Studio B to catch up with musicians like James Jamerson, was told to get lost by Smokey Robinson (Robinson was so devoted a Gordy partisan that he mailed reporters a statement that “I know Motown pays. I’ve even forgotten some of my royalty checks and been called two days after royalty date and asked to please come and pick up the check”). The optics of the legal battle—three Black songwriters and their Black lead counsel versus the (apart from Gordy) white top executives of Motown—added another strain of tension.

Litigation dragged on for more than three years. Gordy could offset his legal expenses by charging them to his company, thus drawing from his artists’ pile of earnings (including H-D-H’s) to fund his battle with H-D-H in court. Whereas H-D-H had to pay their expenses out of pocket while being unable to publish new songs under their own names until the case was resolved.

A newspaper profile of H-D-H in March 1969 found them in limbo, with Brian racing horses (“my songs are not out there because I’ve stopped writing”), Eddie spending “all his time consulting with lawyers,” and Dozier sitting in his home in Palmer Woods, reading and painting. By the end of the year, the Hollands and Dozier had started two new labels, Hot Wax and Invictus. Due to the Motown suit, they couldn’t write songs (at least publicly—the mysterious “Edythe Wayne” is listed as co-writer on very H-D-H-esque Invictus singles): thus the irony of some of the greatest songwriters of the Sixties having to use outside composers or employ aliases on their own label.

H-D-H’s new labels came out strong. The Chairmen of the Board were their new Four Tops, with the formidable General Johnson on lead vocal (“Give Me Just a Little More Time,” “Men Are Getting Scarce”). Honey Cone (“Want Ads”) were their new Supremes, Freda Payne (“Band of Gold,” “Bring the Boys Home”) their new Martha Reeves.

Invictus-era H-D-H

The first H-D-H/Motown war at last ended in January 1972, when H-D-H settled, paying their former label $200,000. Between truce periods, during which H-D-H would sometimes work for Motown again, there were more and more court cases, the suits between H-D-H and Motown elongating and extending, Jarndyce v. Jarndyce-style, for the rest of the century.

“Think in terms of a family member that you have a disagreement with,” Eddie later recalled. “It was a molehill turning into a mountain. [Gordy’s] a fighter, I’m a fighter, and so, through the lawyers, we fought for many, many years, and he wouldn’t bend and I wouldn’t bend. That’s what happens when you get two bulls locking horns.”

Happier days at Motown: Gordy, Tops, H-D-H, 1964

Motown stumbled without H-D-H—while some slack was taken up by Norman Whitfield and Barrett Strong’s Temptations and the work of Nickolas Ashford and Valerie Simpson (whom Eddie Holland had signed) for Marvin Gaye and Tammi Terrell, the assembly-line production of peak Motown began to break down. The hits which Gordy’s songwriting group, reconstituted as The Corporation, wrote in 1969 for the Jackson 5 would be the last great rollout. Nor would H-D-H, despite early triumphs on Invictus and Hot Wax, ever again reach their mid-Sixties heights.

Those who suffered most, though, were those whose glories had been interwoven with those of H-D-H: Martha & the Vandellas, The Supremes (soon to be abandoned by Ross), and the Four Tops. “By spring 1968, the damage was done,” Mary Wilson wrote in her memoir. “The sound H-D-H created for us set our records apart. The songs were made for us and after this, we bounced from producer to producer.”

Duke Fakir agreed. “We never felt we recaptured the magic with other writers…We couldn’t buy a hit.” After the split, the Tops were left “musically heartbroken,” Fakir said. H-D-H “were the finest friends we’ve ever met. The reason they were able to write so many good songs for us was that they wrote about us, and the things we did.” Now the Tops were alone.

What Is a Man? Tops Adrift

We were on top until Holland and Dozier split and this is the reason it can happen like that. There shouldn’t be a situation where artists have to suffer for six months to a year to find other producers when you have a company as big as that. But they had your hands so tied until everyone who wrote tunes for you wrote in the same bag that the original producers were in. They tried to write like H-D-H and there was something missing. We had to search around to find a good producer for us.

Duke Fakir, to Sepia, March 1974.

There is only so far you can go with a groove.

Lawrence Payton, to Sepia, March 1974.

Holland-Dozier-Holland’s break with Motown left the Four Tops dangling. Their hits, the fundament of their sound, were greatly the work of H-D-H. And Berry Gordy’s priority was to save The Supremes, at least until Diana Ross could properly leave them.

The Tops, who had a deep stage repertoire, could tour for much of the year, and who were growing popular in Britain thanks to the late Brian Epstein’s promotion, would have to make do with what could be spared.

A first expedient was to mine their back catalog for singles, with Motown issuing Tops versions of the Left Banke’s “Walk Away Renee” (January 1968; R&B #15, Pop #14) and Tim Hardin’s “If I Were a Carpenter” (April 1968; R&B #17, Pop #20). Produced by H-D-H two years earlier, both tracks had already appeared on the Tops’ Reach Out LP in 1967.

For “Renee,” Gordy believed the Tops could beat the original (a #5) on the charts, and bet them that they would—while the Tops stalled outside the Top 10, he allegedly paid up anyway. Majestically sung, the track lacks the seaswept teenage longing of the Left Banke original (Michael Brown, who wrote “Renee” about his bassist’s girlfriend, once called its sentiment as being “mythologically in love…without having evidence in fact or in deed”). The Tops were always fated to be the adults.

The NME, December 1967

Tim Hardin’s recording of “If I Were a Carpenter” hadn’t been issued when the Tops cut their take: their template was Bobby Darin’s 1966 single, on which Darin cast off his earlier Rat Pack sound. It was a premonition of his late Sixties, when he lived in a trailer in Big Sur, grew his hair, spent much of his time fishing, and called himself Bob Darin (Neil Young: “I used to be pissed off at Bobby Darin because he changed styles so much. Now I look at him and think he was a genius”).

The Tops’ version has one of the finest late H-D-H arrangements. Take the intro, where interlocking harpsichord and guitar arpeggios build a tension further heightened by a flourish of low strings and a few establishing bass notes, which in turn set a stage for high harmonies to soar over. Stubbs sings Hardin’s lyric as a riddle—would you miss your colorbox?—while the Funk Brothers dance around James Jamerson’s bassline, enlivening the tempo of Darin’s version. (That said, Darin’s performance of the song with Stevie Wonder in 1969 is sublime.)

Motown chose these tracks for the first post-H-D-H singles because they had no other choice: little in the Tops backlog wasn’t a cover (the final H-D-H original single, “In a Different World,” was released later in 1968). Stockpiling compositions rather than giving them to Motown, H-D-H, in their last year of working with the Tops, had the group sing contemporary pop hits, a practice that would continue for the rest of the decade.

So the Tops covered The Beatles (see below) and The Monkees (“Last Train to Clarksville,” which should have been credited to the Andantes; “I’m a Believer,” as sung by a gruff heretic; “Daydream Believer,” which sounds recorded under duress). They sang The Association (“Cherish” and “Never My Love”), Bobby Hebb (“Sunny”), The Doors (“Light My Fire,” sexual in a less Promethean way—“sizzle sizzle SIZZLE me baby light my fire!”), even Gary Puckett (a mercifully-shelved “Woman Woman” in which Stubbs is reduced to worrying vowels).

They interpreted Jimmy Webb (“MacArthur Park,” which Stubbs orates like Moses and Fakir goes to the moon; “Do What You Gotta Do”), Bobby Russell (“Honey,” a kidney stone of a song, here given pathos; “Little Green Apples”) and Bacharach-David (“The Look of Love,” “This Guy’s in Love With You,” “Raindrops Keep Fallin’ on My Head”) mostly in four-part harmonies, with a mid-afternoon casino ballroom haze pervading most tracks. On “This Guy,” an orchestra attempts to bludgeon the Tops to death; on “Raindrops,” Stubbs makes a rare interpretative blunder, over-singing to the point of becoming unbearable.

These tracks were mostly intended as album fillers but collectively they marked a retreat for the group as the Sixties ebbed. Not long before, the Tops had held their own, aesthetically and commercially, with the likes of The Beatles and Bob Dylan. Now they were reactive, sifting through what they heard on the radio, translating it into a more polished language.

The Contenders

Tops at work, ca. 1968

Securing the Four Tops was a lucrative prize, as there were fewer opportunities for a producer to make their name at Motown in the late Sixties. The Jackson 5, the label’s hottest new prospect, were a Motown “Corporation” property. The Temptations and Edwin Starr were Norman Whitfield’s, Stevie Wonder was still linked with Henry Crosby, Smokey Robinson ran his own shop.

The Tops were considered no-fuss pros in the studio and could deliver on stage (they headlined at the Copacabana in the 1967 Christmas season) and television: they could sing anything, and often did. All they needed was new, commercially-viable material. From 1968 through mid-1969, there was a war for the Tops in Motown involving many of the label’s roster of producers, with few victories.

Deke Richards, a member of Motown’s “Corporation,” tried his luck with in early 1968 with “Sweet Was the Love” and “I’m So Afraid of Losing You,” both of which got rejected. “Send Her to Me,” an outtake from summer 1968, was stronger, with its rumble of a piano/bass/bongo hook and swells of organ. (Stubbs is the only vocal, so it’s possible the track wasn’t completed or perhaps was considered as a solo single.)

R. Dean Taylor, an H-D-H protege, produced the Tops’ “Daydream Believer” and their take on Jimmy Webb’s “By the Time I Get to Phoenix,” which lacks the melancholy of Glen Campbell’s hit version and is a pencil sketch compared to Isaac Hayes’ sermon-melodrama from 1969. Stubbs has the existential caddishness that the song requires, but the rest of the Tops grasp for ways to contribute (“gotta get to PHOE-nix!”).

Nickolas Ashford and Valerie Simpson mostly wrote for Marvin Gaye and Tammi Terrell and would be central to Diana Ross’ solo career. Their offerings for the Tops included “Can’t Seem to Get You Out of My Mind,” one of the first post-H-D-H Tops tracks to alter their mid-Sixties sound, with a more relaxed groove, giving Stubbs room to roam, building to a break which sets the Tops and Jamerson against the world. “Don’t You Think You Owe Me Something,” a 1969 outtake, is a spot of calm and ease, if its yearning melody seems better suited for Stevie Wonder.

Norman Whitfield and Barrett Strong’s “Don’t Let Him Take Your Love from Me” was a song that half of Motown took a crack at: Gladys Knight, Jimmy Ruffin, The Temptations. But the Tops’ take, issued as a single in late 1969 (R&B #25, Pop #45), is the best. Stubbs is on fire, drawing from the power of the drums, which play counter-fills to the guitar riffs—the track becomes a calculus of rhythm. Fakir and Payton plead on Stubbs’ behalf; he gives some last howls of delight at the fade.

Johnny Bristol became a producer with Motown in 1964 and was one of the label’s most reliable songwriters of the decade (“What Does It Take,” “Yester-you Yester-me Yester-day,” “25 Miles,” “Your Precious Love”), but his bid for the Tops foundered with the 1969 single “What Is a Man” (Pop #53) which tries to emulate the “Western” sound of “Reach Out I’ll Be There” to middling results. Lyrically, it previews the Tops’ Seventies, with its stuffy concerns on masculinity and its obligations.

Raynard Miner had recently joined Motown from Chess Records, where he’d co-written Fontella Bass’ “Rescue Me.” His try-outs for the Tops were “Clip My Wings,” built on a swaying spine of piano, guitar and bongos, and the repellent “I Can’t Hold Back,” whose lines include “I feel like grabbing you/next time I know that I will/ Instead of being a perfect gentleman/ I’m gonna act the way I feel.” He had better luck with “The Key,” lead-off track on Four Tops Now! It’s a well-worn arrangement, looking to recapture the H-D-H sound: a Stubbs lead, querying Tops-Andantes harmonies that anticipate and echo his lines, horns as punctuation.

His triumph was “My Past Just Crossed My Future,” which Miner wrote with Janie Bradford. Over a drum loop (likely Uriel Jones) that could power a dynamo, Stubbs bobs and weaves, using his phrasings as lines of attack. There’s little to differentiate verse or chorus—a song as patterns of force. The Tops are a spectral harmony, working with and against a sitar line.

It was a tremendous track, one that might have arrested the group’s slide on the charts; Miner considered it to be his best work at Motown. “I had stayed up two days and two nights–with Librium, I guess–remixing that with engineer Ken Sands before the Quality Control meeting that Friday,” he told Adam White in 2019. “It blew their minds, and I’ll never forget that on Tuesday the following week, Janie told me, ‘Raynard, Raynard, guess what? They just started putting labels on ‘My Past…’ Then some politics jumped in, and I don’t really know what happened after that.”

The “politics”: Johnny Bristol was married to Iris Gordy, Berry’s niece, and she was pushing for Bristol’s “What Is a Man” to be the next Tops single (see above). Miner noted that Bristol’s single “did a nosedive. I’m not criticizing, but mine just got pushed onto the album” [Four Tops Now!].

One of Miner’s last attempts was “Which Way Is the Sky,” from 1970, another Bradford co-write. An apocalypse with tornadoes, whirlpools, hurricane winds, inverted horizons (“suddenly it came to me/ the sky is where the sea should be!”), and Stubbs suffering like a medieval saint, his heart dropping from his chest to expire on the ground (“turning pale and grey in its complexion!”). The ominous massing of strings in the outro sounds inspired by Scott Walker’s “It’s Raining Today.” The track was shelved.

Ivy Jo Hunter, who’d worked with the Tops for years (“Ask the Lonely,” “Loving You Is Sweeter Than Ever”), seemed the most logical candidate. He opened his bid with “Your Love Is Wonderful,” the B-side to “Walk Away Renee”; “Remember When,” with fuzz guitar, and “We’ve Got a Strong Love (On Our Side),” with its grand intro for strings, essentially a track-length drum fill, and Stubbs musing over a bongo break.

What darkened his prospects was producing the everyone-pitches-in composition “Yesterday’s Dreams,” a maudlin song that was meant to restore the Tops’ chart fortunes when it was released in July 1968. Instead, it was the worst-performing single that the Tops had yet released on Motown, a performance that helped tank the LP which the song titled. Hunter’s momentum never quite recovered, though the Tops’ take on his “I Can’t Escape Your Memory,” a song released by Edwin Starr in 1970, was one of their best late Motown recordings.

I Believe You, Mr. Wilson

Frank Wilson in his early days at Motown, ca. 1965

The Four Tops’ last great collaborator at Motown, it turned out, had already worked with them. Frank Wilson had produced Four Tops on Broadway in 1966 and found, while making that record, what H-D-H had also discovered—that while Levi Stubbs was the public face of the Tops, Lawrence Payton made them work in the studio.

Wilson made Payton his confidant, his man on the studio floor, having Payton come up with most vocal arrangements while Wilson worked up the instrumental backing. By Soul Spin, the last Tops album issued in the Sixties, Payton was his uncredited co-producer. “Frank was an experimental cat,” Payton recalled to Goldmine in 1995. “H-D-H was more structured; it was like bam-bam-bam-bam. Frank Wilson, he was just free, he just let it flow…when we would work with him anything was fair. He’d say, Lawrence, just do what you want to do.”

Wilson was born in Houston in 1940. When he was twenty, he lost an athletic scholarship to Southern University in Baton Rouge after he’d taken part in a civil rights sit-in. “I thought I had sacrificed my big chance to escape an ordinary existence,” he recalled in 2009. But he was given a one-way bus ticket to Los Angeles by the Congress of Racial Equality, hoping that he’d have better luck outside the South.

In LA, Wilson, a gospel music fan, joined a local group called the Angelaires. But seeing Motown’s Brenda Holloway perform secularized him, making him want to write songs for her. He said it was Holloway’s voice, although Holloway being a stunning woman who wore gold jumpsuits on stage might have also aided in Wilson’s conversion.

When Gordy decided to open a West Coast Motown office, he asked his producers Hal Davis and Marc Gordon to run it. They recommended that he hire Wilson, who was now a prolific composer. Like Carole King, Wilson was known for the quality of his demo singing. “(I) often became the vocal vehicle for my own material,” Wilson said, while Holloway praised his voice: “I loved his delivery, his phrasing and everything… I loved recording all of his songs.”

In 1965, Gordy offered Wilson a choice as the two stood backstage at the Fox Theater watching a Motown Revue performance—try his luck at being a recording artist at Motown, or become a full-time producer and move to Detroit. Wilson decided to stay on the producer’s side of the studio window, and was soon writing for The Miracles.

His relationship with the Tops was built gradually—from 1967 through 1969, he was one of many producers who worked on the group’s cover recordings. But even in those sessions he and Payton broadened the Tops’ arrangements. They favored a greater use of the group’s four-part harmonies rather than the Stubbs Plus the Rest H-D-H formula. Payton took more solo parts. There was a greater emphasis on vocal texture and interplay, with the Tops’ baritones set against the tenors, set in turn against the Andantes’ soprano Louvain Demps and her partners’ altos.

A good early example is the Tops’ version of the Mamas & Papas’ “California Dreamin’,” cut in November 1968 and released as an LP cut the following year. Aided by Wade Marcus, an arranger who would help craft Motown’s Seventies sound, Wilson and Payton, after a canonical intro, reduce the four-part Mamas & Papas harmonies to a spry, musing solo Payton vocal, with the other Tops only heard as gloss on one refrain.

And “Eleanor Rigby,” cut in January 1969. Black artists had taken up “Rigby” soon after its release, sharpening the song’s awareness of the “invisible” Others who work, live, and die around you (as AS Byatt said, Eleanor’s face is kept in a jar by the door because she “is faceless, is nothing” at home). Aretha Franklin cast herself as the title character while the Tops made it swing, offering a swaying “El-eh-nor, EL-eh-nor RIG-Bee” hook as a supplemental bassline, while Stubbs becomes a Pentecostal Father McKenzie, taking the measure of a lonely, atomized world: mourning it, and cursing it.

By the summer of 1969, Wilson and the Tops were a working unit. Wilson now determined that if the group was no longer a reliable on the singles charts, they should aim to become an LP act. The Motown album sequencing logic of “last two singles plus other stuff we cut recently” wouldn’t cut it in the age of Abbey Road—a change was needed. So Wilson and the Tops would make a concept album, one whose sound would map where Marvin Gaye would soon go.

Still Waters

On the sleeves of the Four Tops albums of the late Sixties—Yesterday’s Dreams, Four Tops Now!, Soul Spin—the group wear tuxedos. Portraiture for lobby cards. The Tops, smiling or brooding, signifying class and professional entertainment.

Now, for their first album of the Seventies, the group are in street clothes, photographed standing on a dock in a wavering amber blear. The Tops as seen by someone drowning. The back cover is a reverse shot: the group with the water behind them, the monochrome image greatly shadow. There’s an acrostic poem: P…for the privilege of being loved…E…for the ease it gives to the soul & the mind…

This all could have gone very wrong; the Tops wouldn’t have been the first to make a panicked swerve upon meeting the counterculture. But the strength of Still Waters Run Deep, the last essential Tops Motown work, lies in the subtlety of its transformations, its alteration of the Tops’ sound by minute degrees, as if filtering sunlight. While structurally the same as other Tops albums of its period (a few singles packaged with covers & house compositions), it differs in feel: it’s the collective sustaining of an elaborated mood.

“The concept was that the album would feel like one piece of music,” Frank Wilson said. “The Funk Brothers thought I was mad. They hated to see me coming.”

Still Waters is in the tradition of Sinatra’s Fifties albums, Miles Davis’ Sketches of Spain and Ellington’s Far East Suite more than any rock “concept” album of the period. In turn, it inspired Marvin Gaye’s soon-to-follow What’s Going On, which draws upon Still Waters‘ segues, its instrumentation and arrangements, its innovative mixing, and uses many of its performers (including Obie Benson, one of its co-composers).

The change is in Levi Stubbs’ voice, in his phrasing, in how he surveys and seizes melodic terrain. In the more diverse vocal cast: the Tops, with each member of the quartet taking the lead at times, and The Andantes, and the singers Billie Rae Calvin and Brenda Joyce Evans, fresh Motown recruits who would soon join the Undisputed Truth. Its pointillist arrangements, filled with oscillator whirs and harmonica, organ, bongos and harp, violins that move like starling clusters, disco horns, James Jamerson’s ever-conversing basslines. Every few bars something fresh appears, something else winks away. An accumulative record, one whose “revelations [are] reached slowly and thoughtfully instead of in a clattering crash,” as Ann Powers wrote of the late Roberta Flack’s work.

Produced by Wilson and an uncredited Lawrence Payton, its tracks framed by the Motown arrangers Jerry Long, Jimmy Roach and David Van DePitte, the album was made in the turnstile of two decades: tracking and vocals in the last months of 1969, overdubs finished in the first days of 1970. It completes the Tops’ post-Holland-Dozier-Holland shift. After the cosmic passion of the great Tops singles of the Sixties, there comes a settling, a calm, wary acceptance. When the tempest is spent, there are still waters at last—though these may submerge the ruins of one’s former life.

The title song, variations of which (“Love” and “Peace”) open and close the album (it was recorded as one piece of music, then severed to make LP bookends and the sides of a single (R&B #4, Pop #11)), was written by Wilson and Smokey Robinson, arranged by Long and Roach. Tracked at the end of October 1969, with horns, strings, and its cavalcade of vocals added in the next two months, it opens with a voice ringing out from the Old Testament. “Walk with me,” Stubbs echoes across the stereo spectrum. “Take my hand.”

A sixteen-bar intro—Marv Tarplin, ruminative on electric guitar; Jamerson on bass (content to lay a floor for the chords, growing restless on each turnaround bar); cowbell on 2 & 4 (soon supplanted by colossal-sounding fingersnaps); hi-hat on 1 & 3. The singers ease into the song—the Tops’ wistful ooooh-ooh-oooh-ooohs—until Calvin and Evans, buoyed by a blast of organ, yell STILL WATER!, which The Tops lobby back in delight. Hey-hey-hey!s meet Aaah Aaah Aaahs. Faint breaths of strings. The first appearance of the track’s best hook: a horn figure in which the players do the hustle. Doo-do-do, d’do-do-do, do-do. And then Stubbs.

For his first phrase, cresting into the verse, he holds a note for a bar: Never you MIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIND if. I. A long grasp on “MIND,” punctuated with the descending quarter notes of If I. He does variations on this phrasing for the rest of the verse: straaaaangers pass-ing-by. A quick repetition of “If I don’t brag.” His dredging of looove and ruuuuns and truu-uue, making great canals of sound.

But what he pledges is absence. He won’t talk about her, isn’t going to boast, won’t say anything to anyone. Because, although their love is rare and true, yes, it’s also unvoiced, silent, and possibly one-sided, a phantom. And yet it’s so, Stubbs sings, backed by a pocket choir.

In the refrain, the Tops offer that still waters run deep, but no other verse follows, and the song soon drifts into an interlude that wanes into a lengthy outro, with no care to elaborate the drama, no desire to answer any question, but merely content to exist, to float, to ripple, to form and reform, all as a four-chord sequence repeats, a journey from E-flat major to its dominant chord, Bb, via the sweet chill of two minor chords (Cm and Fmadd6). It’s a burgeoning: the hustling horn figure, dances of organ and strings, the various shouted and crooned “still waters!” and “take my hands!” and Stubbs’ last joyous hey-hey-hey-HEY!, swirling about until faded into:

Reflections was Diana Ross’ early farewell to the Supremes, H-D-H’s early goodbye to Motown, and ultimately, via its use in China Beach et al, one of many Sixties valedictories. The brilliance of the Tops and Wilson’s interpretation is in how contemporary it feels, full of roil (the guitar riffs, Jamerson’s bassline) and punch (the aah-ah-ah-ah-ah-ah-AAAAHs that sweep through the latter half of the track). Stubbs sings it as an angel of desolation.

It’s All in the Game, issued as Still Waters‘ first single (R&B #6, Pop #24), is a time-hybrid: its melody was composed in 1911 by Charles Dawes, future vice president of Calvin Coolidge, while its lyric hails from forty years later. The song was best known via Tommy Edwards’ 1958 single, an R&B-tinged remake of Edwards’ earlier, more trad pop take, but another influence on the Tops may have been their former employer Billy Eckstine, who cut “It’s All in the Game” for Motown in 1967 (though the track wasn’t issued at the time).

While Dawes’ melody, which he wrote for violin, remains undeniable, “It’s All in the Game” is fusty in its sentiments, a primer for young women as to why their boyfriends let them down: “many a tear has to fall…once in a while he won’t call.” Edwards had gamboled through it, romping in his phrasings—heartache is part of the “wonderful game,” and he sings it as such.

Wilson and Payton slow the tempo, cooling the song, letting Jamerson set the pace, giving the woman who’s been left at home some space for herself. And the Tops divide their lines. Payton opens, his voice a mellow rumination. Stubbs is the lonelyheart’s confidant, working on her behalf: these things, your heart can RISE…rise above, he counsels. Duke Fakir is brief yearning hope and Obie Benson the resolution, his voice low, raspy, somewhat comic, blighting the “sweet bouquet” that the boyfriend eventually shows up with.

The Tops’ take on Fred Neil’s Everybody’s Talkin’ opens with guitars—dry acoustic, muted electric—playing in staggered formation, a humming engine. Harry Nilsson had sung “Talkin'” as Neil’s liberated spirit, soaring where Neil‘s voice couldn’t go; Stubbs has more weight and regret in his presence. He’s heading into exile, hoping that it’s warmer there at least, where Nilsson is skipping away.

(This should be how the side closes—instead, in the LP’s one sequencing blunder, the side ends with “Love (Is the Answer),” an uptempo track whose blitheness is jarring, its title declaration a bright falsehood. Better suited as a single B-side, its inclusion seems mandated by someone who feared things were getting too gloomy in Topsland.)

The second side has I Wish I Were Your Mirror, which has longing harmonies for a desperate, near-masochistic lyric (“I wish I were your sweater….your pillow…your water, girl, you take your shower in”); it peaks with Stubbs wishing he was a bar of Camay soap, as then his scent would be on her. The album’s flip side is where he crams his grubbier feelings.

On Elusive Butterfly, a loopy piece of Sixties pop-folk (Bob Lind’s original had hit #5 in 1966) that Aretha Franklin had transformed on Soul ’69, Stubbs starts off incredulous, though he soon labors to match Franklin in intensity, singing DON’T BE CON-CERNED! as if watching his house burn while shooing away his neighbors. The joys here are instrumental: the opening organ melody, the canyon-dips of strings, the wrenching synth blurt in the second verse, which sounds like an airlock opening in outer space.

L.A. (My Town), sunny propaganda for Motown’s West Coast operations (as sung by four eternal Detroiters) has some of the wildest vocal harmonies on the album—listen to the near-canonical outro, where Stubbs, in his only solo moment on the track, tries to make a point but gets crushed in the din.

Bring Me Together: sequenced in the traditional LP dead zone, midway through the second side, it’s in truth the heart of the record, centering its overall feeling of dislocated heartbreak. The singer’s former lover is riddled through his bones, buried under his skin (“she got too deep in”), walking along the edge of his mind, there when he opens his eyes. A man in a recovery ward, speaking to anyone who can hear him. Bring me together. I cannot find myself, all by myself. 

All that can be done is return, back to the beginning, moving slower now, drifting off and away again, skipping across the water. One can find peace by accepting that everything is lost.

Still Waters Run Deep, Motown 704. Released: March 1970 (R&B #3, Pop #21).

INTERMISSION: GO LISTEN TO THE JACKSON FIVE.

After the Fires

Make my tomorrows unlike today

Four Tops, “Sing a Song of Yesterday”

It’s impossible to say when, precisely, Berry Gordy decided that Motown would leave Detroit. But it may have been when a front window of Hitsville U.S.A. got cracked by a shell that a National Guard tank fired as it rolled along West Grand Boulevard.

The late July 1967 riots, aka The Detroit Rebellion, began when the police raided an after-hours bar on Twelfth Street, breaking up a party to celebrate the return of two Black soldiers from Vietnam. They arrested everyone in the place. It was a hot night, and people were out on the street. Someone cursed, someone threw a bottle, someone broke a police car window: it began. A civil war in miniature, the violence rose and ebbed over five days. Governor Romney called in the National Guard; Lyndon Johnson sent paratroopers. It was the most cataclysmic urban destruction since the New York City riots of 1863. Forty-three dead (mostly Black, mostly killed by police), 1300 buildings burned, 2700 businesses ransacked.

“In the wake of the rebellion, Detroit [was] really up for grabs,” said Heather Thompson, author of Whose Detroit? “Are the police going to get more power and the black community less? Is this going to be a city that can finally, finally, bring about more harmonious relationships between black and white Detroiters? Or is this, frankly, going to be a city of more black control, because whites will leave it?”

As anyone who has a passing familiarity with the United States might guess, the latter happened. White Detroiters already had been moving out at an average of 22,000 per year in the mid-Sixties—that number doubled in 1967, then spiked higher in 1968. About 310,000 whites left in the Seventies. The public schools, which had produced Levi Stubbs and Duke Fakir and Diana Ross and Smokey Robinson, re-segregated, losing three quarters of white students in a decade.

Thomas Sugrue, writing of Detroit, noted that after the riots “whiteness and, by implication, blackness assumed a material dimension. It was imposed upon the geography of the city.” The city that the white suburbs surrounded became, to the suburbanites, the abandoned sector, the house of the left-behind, “the impoverished city we never visited,” as per the narrators of Jeffrey Eugenides’ The Virgin Suicides, set in the Grosse Pointe of the Seventies.

Once there was Detroit, the Motor City, spinning wheel of American industry. Now there was the city of David Bowie’s “Panic in Detroit,” inspired by the riot summer tales of Ann Arbor’s Iggy Pop. “The police had warned of repercussions,” Bowie sang. “They followed none too soon.”

What was broken would, in many instances, never be mended. Detroit was fated to be known for what once had thrived there; its present was shattered absence. As Stuart Cosgrove wrote, “the nightclubs, the bars and the independent studios that had been the foundations of Detroit’s soul scene had been burned to the ground, ransacked, or destroyed—one way or another put out of commission. The generation that had shaped one of the greatest periods in the history of popular music had seen its city devastated.”

The Motown single released on the day after the uprising began was “Reflections,” the first single credited to Diana Ross & The Supremes, one of the last Holland-Dozier-Holland productions for the label, and the second-to-last Florence Ballard vocal on a Supremes single. Recording went on at Motown throughout the violence. You could cut a vocal, walk out onto West Grand, look towards Twelfth Street, and watch the city burn.

Joe’s Records, July 1967 (Detroit Free Press)

Joe Von Battle sold records at 8434 Twelfth Street, half a mile north of Motown. He’d started out on Hastings Street in the Forties: he sold jazz and R&B sides, set up a small studio in the back and recorded John Lee Hooker and scads of others. In 1960, as most of Hastings was being leveled for the Chrysler Freeway, Von Battle moved his shop to Twelfth Street. Gordy was a regular, as was James Jamerson. In late July 1967, Joe’s Records, like many Twelfth Street businesses, was sacked and burned.

Von Battle and his daughter Marsha walked through the shell of his store. She recalled heaps of melted records and “fire-hose-soaked reel-to-reel tapes, unwound and slithering like water snakes. Thousands of songs, sounds and voices of an era—most never pressed onto records—were gone forever.” Her father went home “and proceeded to drink himself to death,” she said. “Though Joe Von Battle was not pronounced dead and buried until 1973, he died on that day in 1967.”

Joe’s Records was gone. So was the Chit Chat Club, where the Funk Brothers had been the house band. So was Edward Vaughn’s bookstore on Dexter Avenue, the first Black-owned bookstore in the city—it was firebombed by the police, who claimed that guns were being stored inside.

“It actually felt more like a social upheaval than a riot,” Duke Fakir wrote in his memoir. “[But] philosophically, my head just wasn’t there at the time. Probably it should have been, but it wasn’t…I’d sit on my porch drinking wine or champagne, and just shake my head. I was busy thinking what we had to do in the studio. Where our next tour was going. All of that.”

Fakir was eating a half-stick of butter before leaving his house, so that his stomach could better tolerate his drinking, which at times ranged “from ten in the morning until two o’clock the next morning.”

Let white America know that the name of the game is tit-for-tat, an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth, and a life for a life. Motown: if you don’t come around, we are going to burn you down!

H. Rap Brown, July 1967.

Motown had escaped the fires; in the eyes of many in Detroit, it had obligations. An apocryphal quote by Berry Gordy circled through town—that if “black DJs never played another Motown record, I wouldn’t give a damn”; it sounded true enough.

Two months after Fortune profiled the label as a “model” success story, in a December 1967 editorial in Detroit’s Inner City Voice (“How U Sound Motown”), John Cosby Jr. demanded that “some of the better than $15 million per annum” that Motown generated had to be invested in Detroit’s Black community. “The Motown sound originated from the ghettos in this town…Talk of [Motown] being a source of pride, to the serious-minded, is nonsense. For a black exploiter is no less diseased than any other.”

There were assurances. Esther Gordy told Ebony that “Berry is crazy about [Detroit].” Gordy pledged money, public service efforts, summer jobs, scholarships. He announced a new imprint, Black Forum, to release spoken-word records on topical issues (the handful that came out included Imamu Amiri Baraka’s It’s Nation Time and Ossie Davis & Bill Cosby Address The Congressional Black Caucus). Motown issued municipal booster singles, like savings bonds: Smokey Robinson & the Miracles’ “I Care About Detroit” and Detroit Tigers star Willie Horton’s “Detroit Is Happening” (“man, if you’re living in Detroit, you’re livin’ in the most uptight, out-of-sight swinging city in the whole country”).

Gordy’s biggest move was to relocate downtown, purchasing the ten-story Donovan Building at 2457 Woodward Avenue. This was, as per Motown’s PR, the label going “deeper into the inner city.”

The new Motown Center would house 300 employees, while Hitsville U.S.A. on West Grand would revert to its original state: a small studio built in a garage. Motown Studio A was becoming secondary—productions were increasingly done uptown in Studio B, the former Golden World Studios that Gordy had bought, while a growing number of Motown tracks were cut in LA. (In fall 1968, Gordy bought his first home in California, in the Hollywood Hills; by 1971, he owned a studio, MoWest, off of Santa Monica Boulevard.)

Otis Williams of the Temptations wrote that “Hitsville ended in the late Sixties when part of the daily operations [moved] to a regular cold ugly office building near the Fisher Freeway and the recording began taking place in other studios.” Gordy’s ex-wife Raynoma noted a distinct uptown/downtown divide between Motown executives and the studios, with the label CEO out to sea (in the rare weeks when he was in Detroit, Gordy held his meetings at the Pontchartrain Hotel, as if he still needed to be at a remove from operations). The label was being run by “people who had little or no experience in making music and with little or no respect for those who knew how,” Raynoma Gordy said.

A Houseful of Discontent

In March 1969, Gordy gave an interview to the Detroit Free Press. He considered himself an LA resident now, but said he would visit Detroit at least once a year. “Detroit has what we consider natural resources. We have never been able to get the sound anywhere in the world that we get here…the chemical contents of the people. Generally when artists leave Detroit they get different perspectives or something. Detroit is basically a sincere area and somehow it affects the ingredients of the things we’re doing.”

Considering Detroit as a source of raw materials to be refined elsewhere was a blunt thing to say; worse, the metaphor was a lie.

Motown was no longer a place where a talented local teenager could walk in the door and, after a few recording sessions and some stage training, get a Top Forty single. Artist development was withering. The Jackson 5, with their four consecutive Number Ones, was the last successful model to roll off Gordy’s assembly line.

The Jacksons ruled 1970, the last great Motown chart year: sixteen Top Forty hits, eleven Top 10 hits, six Number Ones. This was owed to a handful of artists and producers, mostly the Jacksons, Stevie Wonder (“Signed Sealed Delivered,” “Heaven Help Us All,” The Spinners “It’s a Shame,” which he produced and co-wrote with Syreeta Wright) and Norman Whitfield (The Temptations’ “Ball of Confusion,” Edwin Starr’s “War”). It was also the high tide of Motown’s white acts, R. Dean Taylor (the fantastic “Indiana Wants Me”) and Rare Earth, who sounded as if the MC5, dosed with Mandrax, had been conscripted to do leaden boogie songs as a form of community service.

The core Motown lineup, the men and women who had built the label, were aging, restless, bitter about compensation, and their records weren’t selling. They could still work the road but had to center their sets around hits from half a decade ago—they were quickly becoming oldies acts. While Gordy had claimed in late 1967 that “happy people work for us and that is the way it will always be, as long as I am head of Motown,” Raynoma Gordy more astutely called Motown in the late Sixties “a houseful of discontent.”

Motown acts were no longer a lock on the charts—even The Supremes and Smokey Robinson struggled (“Tears of a Clown,” the Miracles’ last Number One in 1970, was a three-year-old album cut that had caught fire in the UK as a reissued single), let alone The Marvelettes and Martha Reeves, who was addicted to cocaine and at times had to be hospitalized. “The company was no longer there for me,” Reeves told Gerri Hirshey. “I think I was the first person at Motown to ask where the money was going.”

The Temptations remained relevant, thanks to Whitfield, who crafted their new sound by drawing from Sly & the Family Stone and Parliament (George Clinton recalled Whitfield turning up at Parliament gigs with a tape recorder). “Runaway Child Running Wild” has an intro better than many songs; “Just My Imagination” is a stunning gossamer delusion; “Papa Was a Rollin’ Stone” is rock’s equivalent to The Godfather; a family drama whose cast includes Dennis Edwards (narrator, accuser), Melvin Franklin (disbelief), Damon Harris (indignation), the world’s most insistent handclaps, and Bob Babbitt’s funk minimalist bass. (Babbitt had replaced James Jamerson, who reportedly walked out of the studio after Whitfield told him to play the same four-note riff for twelve minutes.)

But the group was volatile, always about to fray apart. Paul Williams was going through two or three bottles of Courvoisier a day; oxygen tanks were kept backstage for him to recover from a performance. The Temptations had stood at daggers with each other for years. The group got banned from Bermuda after a vicious fight at their hotel between Eddie Kendricks and David Ruffin. The latter had wanted to change the group’s name, as per the new Motown “star” system, to David Ruffin & The Temptations. Instead, the rest of the group fired him. For a while, Ruffin kept showing up at their gigs, sitting in the front row, glaring at his former bandmates, sometimes trying to take the stage. Kendricks abandoned the group in 1971.

The Four Tops, as ever, were stable. Levi, Duke, Lawrence, Obie: same as it always was.

When This Crazy World Is Free

Whatever was going on in Detroit, the Four Tops, at the ebb of the Sixties, were one of Motown’s biggest acts in Britain.

Since 1968, their singles had charted higher on the UK charts than in the US (“Walk Away Renee” hit #3; “If I Were a Carpenter,” #7; “It’s All in the Game,” #5), and they had toured Britain enough to become goodwill ambassadors. On 12 March 1970, they lunched with Lord Brockway, asking him to be honorary president of the International Union for Harmony, “a new racial harmony movement the quartet is promoting” (as per Newsday). Then Levi Stubbs was busted for possession of cocaine and ammunition at the May Fair Hotel on the same afternoon.

John Marshall, Motown’s international director at the time, claimed that Stubbs was set up by the London police, who had made a lucrative habit of busting local musicians and were now branching out internationally. The case was dismissed at trial, as the police declined to share the name of the informant who had claimed Stubbs had coke. “I got to know the police guy who arrested [Stubbs] and he just said, ‘Oh, we gave it a shot’,” Marshall told Adam White. “It was like a game with them—a bit of publicity, they might get promoted. That’s the feeling you got.” (Stubbs did admit that he’d been carrying a few bullets.)

At a London show, the Tops were approached by Tony Clarke. He had a song that he thought suited them—a then-obscure Moody Blues track, “A Simple Game,” the B-side of “Ride My See-Saw,” which Clarke had produced. The Tops, intrigued, cut the song the following day. Or that’s the story they told the press.

In truth, Motown and Clarke reportedly had been in talks for some time about him producing the Tops. Motown agreed to finance the session, taking advantage of the Tops having to be in the UK for Stubbs’ trial. And Clarke had already recorded the backing tracks.

On 5 May 1970, Clarke produced the Tops at Wessex Studios, making them one of the first Motown acts to cut a record overseas. A contemporary NME report lists the backing players as Blue Mink, the London session group with Alan Parker and Herbie Flowers, which would soon work with David Bowie (“Holy Holy“). Yet the Moody Blues’ Justin Hayward has said several times that he played on the session, and another track the Tops cut at Wessex was a Hayward co-composition, “You Stole My Love.”

The Tops and the Moody Blues were an inspired pairing. They shared a heavy earnestness, while the verse of “Still Water (Peace)” could have been recited by Mike “Breathe Deep, the Gathering Gloom” Pinder, composer and singer of “Simple Game.”

On “Simple Game,” Pinder sounds awed and humbled, as if the meaning of life has been disclosed to him while waiting for a train; the harmonies bear him aloft in the refrains, but he soon settles back to earth. The Moodies were a domestic cosmos, summed up in a line that George Harrison sang on “It’s All Too Much”: show me that I’m everywhere, and get me home for tea.

The Tops give “Simple Game” a greater feeling of striving, unrest. Lawrence Payton opens with wary advances, offering scenarios (“as…time goes by…you will see“) until Stubbs, arriving with guitars, takes what Payton gives him and ratifies it. “When this crazy world is free,” Payton muses; Stubbs clarifies: “free from doubt.” “We are going to be free,” Payton sings, in a slow, descending phrase, as if he can’t see when that’s ever going to happen; he’s been reduced to hope. Stubbs swells the line into a demand. The full Tops harmonies in the chorus hit like a wave, and the bridge has one of Stubbs’ last epic moments at the mike, a cascading phrasing to rival “Bernadette.”

“A Simple Game” was one of the strongest singles the Tops had cut in years, a restoration of the Holland-Dozier-Holland sound with a contemporary “rock” feel, but Motown put it on ice, releasing the years-old “MacArthur Park” as a single instead. While it was a UK #3, “A Simple Game” wasn’t put out in the US until January 1972, when it was issued as an afterthought (stalling out at #90). By then, Motown was all but done with the Tops.

Union Sundown

In the early Seventies, the Tops were stuck doing company promotional work. In another Marvel Comics parallel, Motown had begun running crossovers, pairing its acts.

It started with The Supremes and The Temptations, which resulted in the #2 hit “I’m Gonna Make You Love Me,” written by Gamble and Huff, produced by Frank Wilson, and the centerpiece of a subsequent LP. This was part of Gordy’s drive to establish Motown as an “all around entertainment” brand, specifically here to promote TCB, Motown Productions’ first TV special, which aired on NBC in December 1968. There was also Diana Ross Presents the Jackson 5 (though the PR story that Ross had “discovered” the Jacksons was tosh) and even a Ross pairing with Bill Cosby (the mercifully-forgotten “Love Story”).

Gordy looks prescient today, an early adopter of intellectual property exploitation. Motown songs would fuel Motown TV specials and cartoons, Motown talent would star in Motown films, perhaps titled after Motown songs, with a Motown soundtrack: a self-perpetuating cycle. So “Motown Team-Up: The Supremes Meet the Four Tops was a logical step (Gordy had wanted Stubbs to co-star in Lady Sings the Blues with Ross.)

By May 1970, when the first Supremes/Tops duets were recorded, Ross had gone solo, with Mary Wilson the only original member of the trio remaining. The pairing worked on paper. The Tops were back in the charts with Still Waters Run Deep, the new Supremes lineup needed to be better established in the public eye, and Stubbs and the Supremes’ new lead singer Jean Terrell were a good match, an easier vocal blend than Stubbs and Ross, which would have been like a baritone saxophone paired with a recorder. For Frank Wilson, arranging Four Tops and Three Supremes was a cinch. Set it up like the Tops and the Andantes on Tops records: the Tops as low harmonies, the Supremes arrayed above them.

The Supremes/Tops records share a fundamental lack of imagination: a set of charismatic, gifted singers are united in the service of nothing. In a typical track, Stubbs takes the first verse, Terrell the second, or vice versa; they duet on the refrains with the rest as spectators; sometimes all seven do a mush of a group-sing. You rarely feel that the singers are in the same room (the mixes go out of their way to highlight this, dousing Terrell in reverb while keeping Stubbs’ vocal dry). Nothing surprises; few of their covers come close to the originals. It’s like a football team that runs the same two plays over and over again: sometimes they score, but at what a tedious cost.

The first and best of the lot was The Magnificent 7, released in September 1970, particularly its uptempo numbers: the opener “Knock on My Door,” a disco revision of the Tops’ “Without the One You Love,” a “River Deep Mountain High” (which hit #14) that stands comfortably with Tina Turner’s. It falters in its more contemporary pieces—supper club versions of “Everyday People” and “Stoned Soul Picnic.” While “Ain’t Nothing Like the Real Thing” seems like an ideal piece for the septet, the Tops and Supremes sound tentative, keeping within the lines, coming off as stand-ins for Marvin Gaye and Tami Terrell, brought in for a scratch vocal while the arranger shores up the brass.

The Return of the Magnificent Seven, cut in early 1971, sold worse (R&B #18, Pop #154) and the rot sets in. Much of this record is joylessly cheery music. “You Gotta Have Love in Your Heart,” which sounds like it was done by Up With People, was the single; it didn’t make the R&B Top 40. The ballads are better (“If You Could See Me Now,” “I’m Glad About It”), as at least you can get lost in Terrell and Stubbs’ vocals.

The Tops/Supremes project had enough momentum to keep rolling for another album: the ambitiously-titled Dynamite!, issued and generally ignored at the end of 1971. It sounds like a collection of scraps from earlier sessions, dregs of the dregs (“If,” “Love the One You’re With”).

Destroyed Your Notion of Circular Time

The great crime of The Magnificent 7 is that Motown released it directly against an excellent Tops album, Changing Times. With two new Four Tops albums in the racks in the same month (September 1970), buyers went with the Supremes/Tops combo, which sandbagged the Tops’ record (R&B #20, Pop #109).

It’s a shame, as Changing Times is nearly as strong as Still Waters, with Frank Wilson furthering the segue experiments of the latter, linking the album with clock-ticks and kicking the record off with a sonic fantasia, with fireworks, jet roars, carnival noises (including a brass band playing “Dixie”) and room-full-of-clocks dings, whirrs and clangs (note, three years before Pink Floyd’s “Time”).

Wilson stocks the record full of pleasures and oddities. Take “Right Before My Eyes,” which throws a new sound at you every few bars (vibraphone, a “right! before my very eyes!” Tops hook, fuzz bass, bongos, organ), to fit Stubbs’ tale of being knocked off-balance by seeing his woman with another guy (“who looks just like me!”). The swaggering bass/guitar hook of “Just Seven Numbers,” which Stubbs sinks into, using it to take root in the song; the dialogue of “I Almost Had Her (But She Got Away)“—Stubbs sings the first half of the title as a wistful delusion (“I almost had her!”), the rest of the Tops as the voices of sad reality: but she got awaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaay.

Its wildest moment is the last great Tops freak-out song, “Something’s Tearing at the Edges of Time,” a psychedelic number that sways as if it’s seasick, with Stubbs howling that “my world is just a page of the book of ages past!” (the Tops: “never to return!!!“).

Cut in late 1971 and released in April 1972, Nature Planned It is a study of monogamy and its occasional discontents. There’s a feeling of renewal, even in its cover photos—the nattily-dressed Tops planting a flower in a scrubby city backyard in the winter (Record Collector: “nobody looked less ready for horticulture than this lot”). It could have been a foundation for a refreshed Motown and Four Tops partnership; instead, the album was a tombstone.

A mature groove record, its tracks cast the Tops as men who, if for lack of any other options, have finally started listening to the women in their lives. See its constancy pledge of an opener, “I Am Your Man,” an Ashford-Simpson piece that had kicked around Motown for years. Its answer song is “She’s an Understanding Woman,” written by Willie Hutch, one of Motown’s grounding points of the early Seventies, and the label’s blacksploitation ambassador (the soundtracks for The Mack and Foxy Brown).

“If You Let Me” is a hedged proposition by Payton (“if you let me, I know I can/ be a man”); James Jamerson (credited as “bass (personified)”) sounds the depths. The title track is a successor to “Still Waters,” gorgeous and fatalist. As Stubbs notes on “I’ll Never Change,” “time ain’t the healing thing like it’s supposed to be.”

The uptempo tracks also flourish: “Happy (Is a Bumpy Road),” which The Supremes also cut; “You Got to Forget Him Darling” (stays in one gear, but it moves); the goodtime romp “Walk With Me, Talk With Me, Darling,” which runs on its handclaps; the loping groove of “I’ll Never Change.” Best is “I Can’t Quit Your Love,” with its shriek of an intro, Wah-Wah guitar, huge beat, horns as prizefighters, Stubbs singing as if he’s climbing a mountain.

The LP’s centerpiece is a seven-minute medley of “Hey Man,” a vamp drummed up by Payton and Obie Benson (Wilson got a co-credit, perhaps for shaping it into releasable form), and Todd Rundgren’s 1970 hit “We Gotta Get You a Woman.” It’s a neighborhood party with Payton and Benson as masters of ceremonies, busting chops and waving people in, with trumpet, bongos, and some of the funkiest rhythms ever heard on a Tops recording—enough to merit a Soul Train line.

This Is As Far As You Can Go

Gordy’s head was in Hollywood and we were all supposed to follow him like little puppy dogs.

Marvin Gaye

They left the musicians behind when they took it out of Detroit.

Earl Van Dyke

By 1971 and 1972, Motown was getting a good piece of its earnings from records that Berry Gordy hadn’t wanted to release.

Marvin Gaye’s What’s Going On, for one (Gordy allegedly called the title track the worst thing he’d ever heard), and Gordy had vetoed issuing Diana Ross’ gospel psychodrama take on “Ain’t No Mountain High Enough” as a single until DJs started playing the LP track; released at last, the single hit #1. (To give Gordy credit, he did push Stevie Wonder to cut “Superstition” himself, not give it away to Jeff Beck.) But as Motown’s Barney Ales said, at this point, Gordy usually didn’t bother to listen to new records.

He was now a movie and television producer (and had taken over directing his second feature film, Mahogany) with a sideline in running a record label. Whatever time he spent on Motown releases was done for Ross’ solo career. This entailed Ales having to cut an instructional record for the label’s distributors, urging them to make “Reach Out and Touch (Somebody’s Hand)” a #1 (it peaked at #20). For Ross’ debut in Las Vegas, Gordy averted the disaster of a near-empty house by running into the street and handing anyone he saw the ripped half of a twenty dollar bill. They’d get the other half if they went to Ross’ concert. (He discovered that matching serial numbers at the door was impossible, so he exchanged torn halves for fresh twenties, then made two Motown employees spend days taping the bill-halves together).

Gordy was living and working in LA, Motown records were increasingly being cut in LA or New York, and the relocation of the label was inevitable. Those at Hitsville could feel the power slipping away, that “Motown” was now elsewhere, incorporate and international, an unmoored brand, and they had been left to tend to its museum. As the Temptations’ Otis Williams said, by the early Seventies “Motown in Detroit had all but ceased to exist. It was only a matter of time until we joined [Gordy].”

By early 1972, the Four Tops felt beaten down, frustrated. Their work with The Supremes had done nothing for their own records—if anything, it had hurt their sales. They hadn’t had a major hit in years, and, in truth, had “been scuffling since H-D-H had left,” Fakir wrote in his memoir. “We noticed that the promotion we were accustomed to wasn’t there.”

Their contract was up for renewal, so the Tops met with Ewart Abner at Motown. Abner, who had run Vee-Jay records, had been hired by Gordy in 1967 to handle artist management, and in 1973 he’d become the label’s president. Some of Motown’s nearly-all-white sales force regarded Abner as a “Black militant,” i.e., a Black man who voiced opinions at meetings and who, as per Suzanne Smith, “was known for his outspoken advocacy for Blacks in the recording industry.” Abner saw his role at Motown as keeping the label grounded in contemporary Black music and culture, an opposing force to Gordy’s mainstreaming.

The Tops opened by demanding a substantial advance on future sales and for Motown to increase promotional expenditures for subsequent releases. Abner countered by telling the Tops that Motown was dumping them.

“‘You guys have had a great run. This is as far as you can go with Motown, that’s it. We really don’t need you guys anymore,'” Fakir recalled Abner saying. “So matter of fact, cold. Like he was throwing out the trash. I was so pissed the ‘street’ in me almost came out. I wanted to hit that motherfucker in his eye.”

There were other tensions between Motown and the Tops. Obie Benson had co-written “What’s Going On,” the biggest Motown hit of its year, but had little to show for it. He wanted more self-penned songs on Tops records, more songs placed with other Motown artists, and promotion of himself and Payton as composers. To Billboard in May 1973, Benson said “the problem with being with Motown is, I did those tunes with Marvin, but the group didn’t benefit from it in any way because they wouldn’t give me credit for it…If I write a hit song for Marvin Gaye and I get the proper publicity, that’s gonna make our records sell. What Motown did is called suffocating you creatively.”

The Tops walked out onto Woodward Avenue without a record deal, unexpectedly free agents again after a decade, and went to drink away their bewilderment and rage. “What the fuck are we gonna do?” Fakir recalled thinking. “We always questioned whether we were as good as we thought we were, or if being under Motown’s umbrella was the thing that helped us succeed and survive.”

Exit Music

14 June 1972: Announcing the retirement of Barney Ales, Motown officially relocates to LA—all of its sales and promotion operation goes West, with only a skeleton crew, under the control of Esther Gordy Edwards, remaining in Detroit. Around two-thirds of Motown’s Detroit staff are laid off. The Funk Brothers recall having no warning: some musicians said they found a note on the door of Studio A stating that recording sessions had stopped (though tracks were still cut at Studio A for another year, and Studio B for two more). No one at Motown bothers to tell Martha Reeves: she reads about it in the newspaper.

“Berry’s one of those cats who must go forth, you know. And so Detroit became too small,” Smokey Robinson, who has split from The Miracles, tells the Los Angeles Times.

August 1972: The Four Tops’ last single on Motown, “(It’s the Way) Nature Planned It” b/w “I’ll Never Change,” is released. It hits #8 on the R&B charts, dies outside the Top 40. Later in the year, Motown issues “Baby I Need Your Loving” and “Ask the Lonely”/”I Can’t Help Myself” as part of its new nostalgia line, the “Yesteryear” series.

5 November 1973: The first Black mayor of Detroit is elected. Coleman Young later says of his rise to power: “My fortune was the direct result of the city’s misfortune…I was taking over the administration of Detroit because the white people didn’t want the damn thing anymore.”

30 June 1975: The Jackson 5 hold a press conference to announce they’re leaving Motown and signing with Epic. “I’ve got nothing against Motown…it’s the largest black company, but I hope black people will understand,” Joe Jackson says. “Berry Gordy travels in big circles, and he’s hard to get to. But when I went around to CBS and RCA, I was able to see the presidents of those companies.”

September 1975: Gordy lures Ales out of retirement, while Ewart Abner becomes a “consultant” and soon leaves the label. “We’re going to try to recapture some of the family-type enthusiasm we had in Detroit,” Ales tells the Detroit Free Press, which notes that Ales “said the company ‘would like to do something about recording in Detroit again’ but that nothing specific has been discussed.” It’s the first year since 1962 that the label doesn’t have a number one hit.

Try to Remember 

“Try to Remember” was written for The Fantasticks, a musical which was as much of an NYC staple as Gray’s Papaya and subway rats. It’s the opening number, meant to set the stage: Jerry Orbach sang it in the original production. Harry Belafonte sang it, as did the Kingston Trio, and Frank Wilson produced The Temptations’ version on their 1967 In a Mellow Mood, with Eddie Kendricks on lead. The Four Tops cut the song three years later for Changing Times.

A guitarist plays a few notes, moves off; a drummer keeps time on sidestick. The woodwinds strike up a theme. Lawrence Payton ambles in. From his first notes, Payton is mischievous in tone, delighting in the cool grace of his voice, lingering in his lower register, as if promising to divulge secrets.

He phrases with absolute precision, dazzling words like “mellow” and “pillow.” It’s a softshoe performance, the rest of the Tops in step behind him, and after three immaculate verses, you anticipate a winding down, that Payton and the band will prepare for the fade, like passengers readying to leave a plane. Maybe a resounding tonic chord, a full harmony on the closing line, a final retort by the joker of a trombonist. But the song doesn’t end.

Drums appear, as if a rogue engineer is sliding a fader, looking to shake up things. The languid waltz time tapers off, a steady 4/4 takes its place. A bassist (likely James Jamerson) plays alone for eight bars, doing variations, his fingers dancing from low string to high, as if demonstrating some different ways of climbing a staircase (the last variation is a set of funky shoulder hunches).

Levi Stubbs has been listening to Payton, has watched him hold his smile despite all that’s he’s lost and buried, and Stubbs gets it, he knows why Payton wears the mask, and usually he’s happy to follow Payton’s lead. When Payton and Stubbs share a Tops song, Stubbs is the closer, the embossing. But here Stubbs won’t do it. He starts questioning what he’s heard, overriding it, shuffling through the words that Payton had to sing, all this fusty imagery, all this callow mellow fellow pillow stuff. “It’s nice to remember?” Is it, really?

“I……yeah, do remember,” Stubbs begins. Cymbal fills sink deep in the mix; you can feel them in your stomach.

When life was so tender, that no one wept (oh yeah! the Tops interject) except the WILLOW (the Tops now sing an insistent Try to-re-mem-ber, which keeps building in intensity). Stubbs lays in, excoriating—if you SHOULD remember…hey! that dreams were KEPT beside your PILLOW—moving deeper in, demanding more from the song, as if pushing back at time, as if should he push hard enough, the past is going to have to confess.

OH—THAT LUH-UHVE WAS AN EM-BER AhhAhhhhBOWWWT to BILLOW whooa!!!

I TRY!-TRY!-TRY! TO RE MEM BER—OHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHH

He seizes the last note and holds it; he carries it over one bar, two bars, four, and there’s the prospect that he’ll keep on until the song just dies on him, but no, at last, he dismounts. Takes a breath, goes at it again. In the middle of this, someone in the vocal booth yells, a “whooooo!!!!” of delight, and whoops again as the track starts to diminish. As if one of the Tops turns to us, with a great whale of a smile, and says “listen to him sing, listen to him sing.”

Next: Four Tops Part Four, and the end

8. Four Tops (Part Two)

DISCOGRAPHY    SOURCES    PLAYLISTS     PART ONE

Prologue: Paris, February 1967

The Four Tops are on Tilt Magazine, a music show filmed in Paris and aired on ORTF. What survives of the performance is reduction: the set’s Mondrian colors bled away, the sound a cloudy mono, the Tops’ movements blur-pixelized.

The Tilt band has two burly drummers and a bongoist—the latter is lean and hunched, his face that of a legionnaire in Astérix—and a tambourine player who seems to have been pulled from the audience. The horn section is treble-heavy and tense but makes up for it in how hard the players attack the songs, piling into them. A collective hypertension crackles through the band. The Tops draw on it.

They do a humbled “Ask the Lonely,” staggering on stage as if weighed down by grief. They build up with “It’s the Same Old Song,” “Standing in the Shadows of Love,” and “Reach Out I’ll Be There,” the tempos fast, the sound mix organ-heavy, and they close with “I Can’t Help Myself,” their absolute hit, their first number one, a track that, when it was being cut at Motown, caused people to cluster at the studio door, some even knocking to get in, because they couldn’t believe what they were hearing.

Levi Stubbs’ face is smeared in sweat, as though he’s sponged it between songs. You come and you go! he hollers, and the Tops sing back, sweetly: you come and you goh-oh-oh. Obie Benson and Duke Fakir and Lawrence Payton are dancing, not quite in step. Payton is the Tops’ reluctant groover, doing his dignified minimum (his steps are mostly a spin-around and the “drive my car” sway that the group uses in every uptempo number). Benson, though, lets the music jolt through his frame. He does the pony; Payton and Fakir step back to give him room.

Benson turns to look straight at Stubbs, gives him an ecstatic smile, this wattage of delight, and he claps his hands right in Stubbs’ face. It cracks Stubbs up, diverts his attention. He sings at the other Tops, falls in step with Benson, all but murmuring into Benson’s ear. Then Stubbs swings back to the crowd, invigorated. He’s breaking the song down, toying with phrasings (“SH-ugarpiehoneybunch!” “sugar pie honeyBUNch“), while Benson keeps grinning as if he’s rolled ten straight sevens. “I want you to ride the pony! RIDE THE PONY!” Stubbs shouts, the camera seizing him in profile, his audience our imagination.

The Tops have had hit after hit, they’ve played Ed Sullivan, they’ve played London and Paris, and Brian Epstein of The Beatles is courting them—Epstein says the future belongs not to the screaming kids but to the hip adults, that the Tops are already in place for it. The future is wide and it’s endless: the Holland-Dozier-Holland number ones will keep coming, Motown will remain king, Epstein will live to a grand old age. And the Tops will be standing right here, right on the summit, with Obie Benson doing the pony and the jerk, with Levi Stubbs singing down the world.

Rocket Summer

For a week in late August 1965, Gemini 5 circled the globe. Each morning Ground Control piped up music for the astronauts. Nat King Cole’s “Ballad of Cat Ballou.” “Never on Sunday.” Dixieland jazz. And “Where Did Our Love Go.” The voices of Diana Ross, Flo Ballard, and Mary Wilson, on a song by Holland-Dozier-Holland, as played by Earl Van Dyke, James Jamerson, and a dozen others crammed in a studio in Detroit. Now a song of the Earth.

“Where Did Our Love Go” had been out for a year. It had sold over two million copies and was the first of five consecutive number ones for The Supremes. The month before, the trio had played the Copacabana in New York: the mobbed-up (Joey Gallo allegedly ran it) height of Berry Gordy’s black-tie aspirations. They were described, in one of many news features about them, as “three 21-year-old Negro girls who make better than $100,000 a year.”

The Supremes were the top tier of an indie label that, in 1965, had grossed over $20 million (inflation-adjusted, close to $200 million) and was the biggest seller of 45 RPM singles in the entire country, as Gordy’s publishing company Jobete was now BMI’s top earner.

Obsolescence is the very hallmark of progress.

Henry Ford II, 1955.

Motown would be the last of its city’s great enterprises. By the mid-Sixties, Detroit had shed 134,000 jobs in fifteen years. The Big Three automakers built their new factories in the white suburbs and in the non-union South. The last independents, Packard and Studebaker, Hudson and Nash, merged and withered, bequeathing to Detroit the broken shells of factories, massive debt write-offs and unemployment claims. In turn, the sprawling East Side infrastructure of headlamp and bumper and small parts makers, the tool suppliers, the dyers and foundries, and the hundreds of diners, cafes, and bars that had served their workers, died swiftly and without mercy, as if from a post-industrial Dutch Elm disease. 

The city bulldozed and dynamited its downtown, particularly the Black Bottom district, and ran freeways through it. The Gotham Hotel, where Duke Ellington and Martin Luther King had stayed, where BB King got married, whose counters “Pops” Gordy had built, was leveled: a hospital parking garage was built upon it. The same with the Flame Bar, closed in 1963. The State Highway Commission said the freeways would make metro Detroit “the most accessible city in America.” That is, a city to be bypassed; a city made an abstraction for the new suburbanites, as if the buildings they sped past were nothing more than billboards. “Oh, we never go to the city anymore: it’s not safe.” 

The Detroit preterite, those left behind, those evicted from the thousands of buildings leveled for the Edsel Ford Expressway, for the Chrysler and Lodge Freeways, were considered casualties of progress, if they were considered at all. In February 1963, the Detroit Free Press feared that in seven years’ time, “Detroit may be a city of people unable to take care of themselves socially and economically.”

As the city was hollowed out, its public image was never more glamorous.

The Supremes and Martha & the Vandellas doing TV broadcasts from car assembly lines. Marvin Gaye, impeccable in a sailor’s hat, leaning on his new Cadillac. Maps of the Motor City spinning on turntables across the country.

The “Motown Story” begins with the return of Detroit’s two major newspapers, the News and the Free Press, which had been on strike for much of 1964. Ready for them was the label’s PR team, who fed them a feature—a local record company run by a former Lincoln line worker was going toe-to-toe with The Beatles on the charts and in sales. Both papers did multi-page spreads on Motown. Soon to come was Time, Newsweek (above), and The New York Times Sunday Magazine.

Each version of the story centered on the modest headquarters on West Grand Boulevard, and had quotes like “this organization was built on love.” Berry Gordy was depicted as a benevolent amalgamation of car dealership owner, schoolmaster, record mogul (in one photo, he’s serenading the Supremes while playing acoustic guitar), movie studio head, and paterfamilias. 

“When I look back on those years, it seemed we could do no wrong,” Gordy wrote in his memoir. 

There was an imprimatur of quality, down to the 45 labels—the regal gold and purple of Gordy; the Mod grape severity of Soul; Motown’s atlas; the bronze and brown warmth of Tamla. If you were a teenager invited to a dance party, bringing a Motown single was the safest of bets. In 1966, Gordy claimed that Supremes singles got half a million in pre-orders, going gold before kids had even heard the record. “We are putting something into their homes sight unseen,” he told the Times. “So we want it to be good.”

What did Motown offer? Glamour, heartbreak, dancing, first loves, ill-considered rebounds, delusions, threadbare loves, mirror talk, negotiations, idle flirtations, (mis)directed swagger, mild obsessions, marrow-deep obsessions, reconciliations, emptied loves, all delivered in “a direct and energetic manner that avoids sappiness,” as per the Times, with a “light, unfussy, evenly stressed beat, its continuous loop melodies…ideal accompaniment for driving,” as Suzanne Smith wrote. Sex was kept off-stage, as with overt social commentary (“Nowhere to Run” was inspired by a guy being sent to Vietnam, Lamont Dozier later said, and Martha Reeves sang it as if she was in the middle of a war). Marvin Gaye heard his single “Pretty Little Baby” interrupted on the radio by news of the Watts riots, and “wanted to throw the radio down and burn all the bullshit songs I’d been singing, and get out of there and kick ass with the rest of the brothers.”

By early 1965, Gordy had become “so wealthy he won’t talk about it,” the Detroit News wrote of him. Now “Mr. Gordy” to staff, he was an increasingly remote figure, writing fewer songs, spending less time in the studio. Motown’s weekly Quality Control meetings had become shareholder battles. “Any garbage will be eliminated quickly,” Gordy decreed of prospective singles (a year later, he would demand that The Supremes would only release number ones). “Garbage, to me, was anything that we didn’t think would reach the Top 40.” That said, he was still signing the likes of The Lewis Sisters.

And at the Quality Control meetings, no one could touch Holland-Dozier-Holland. They were getting into the press, too: reporters loved their name, which suggested to them a hip Wall Street brokerage. There was a stretch from late 1965 into mid-1966 when it felt like every Motown single issued was written by them, or at least co-written by Eddie Holland, and most of them were hits. They wrote for The Supremes. The Tops. Junior Walker. The Isley Brothers. Kim Weston. Marvin Gaye. The Elgins. The Beatles, via Brian Epstein, proposed a collaboration. Dozier: “We were supposed to do an album along the lines of The Beatles Meet Holland-Dozier-Holland, but Berry Gordy refused to do it. We were going to write each other songs and perform them but we couldn’t put it together because we were primarily known as writers and I don’t think Berry wanted to disturb that.”

They were up to three songs a day, Dozier claimed in his memoir. “We would have parts of songs like hooks or maybe parts of a verse, so that by the end of the day we would have something accomplished.” The top melody and the beat were all that mattered, Brian Holland said. “Chords only fit in, like a puzzle…chords only help dress [melodies] up a bit, like sugarcoat it or make them a little dramatic.”

But the Motown studio crew thought H-D-H was growing slipshod, expecting to turn up and have the musicians compose much of a track. “They didn’t know what they were doing,” griped Johnny Griffith. “They’d come in with about five chords and a feel,” Earl Van Dyke told Nelson George. “They had no form…Lamont would always sit at the piano and come up with the same little things…He could take one track and make up 10 songs because they all sounded alike.” Eddie Holland said that his brother “would give James Jamerson the basis of what he would want Jamerson to do, and Jamerson would innovate.”

If H-D-H remained concentrated on The Supremes, in the spring of 1965, they set about turning the Four Tops into a million-selling act as well.

Dozier was at the piano, rummaging through chords, letting his mind wander, when he recalled how his grandfather greeted customers at the family beauty salon: “’How’re you doing, baby doll? Hey, sugar pie! Hi there, honey bunch!’ Sugar pie. Honey bunch. Suddenly I got the rush of excitement that every songwriter gets when they know they’ve hit on something.”

A Fool In Love, You See

There was an episode of American Idol in which they made a team of contestants do “I Can’t Help Myself.” One kid was struggling. Bungling phrasings, forgetting words, and so having to sing the opening line—sugar pie honey bunch, you know that I love you—over and over again. It broke him. His body sagged in exasperation. “I can’t with this! It’s so corny!”

“I Can’t Help Myself” is corny, the corniest of the Four Tops’ big hits. There’s no edge to it; nothing lies within it for the future to plumb. Fundamentally monaural and mid-range, it’s built to the confines of a transistor radio, ready-made for use in Duncan Hines brownie TV commercials (a contemporary promo film has the Tops miming the song while handing out sweets to toddlers). 

Yet it’s also, thanks to Eddie Holland’s lyric and Levi Stubbs’ vocal, another of the great obsessional Tops songs. Stubbs plays a man with a resentful (“I’m tied to your apron strings! and there’s nothing that I can do!”), fanatical devotion to a woman who holds ultimate power over him. After she walks out on him yet again, he’s on his knees kissing her photograph. “I’m weaker than a man should be,” he groans. “I’d do anything you ask me to!

“I Can’t Help Myself” topped the Billboard Hot 100 the week of 12 June 1965 (replacing The Supremes’ “Back in My Arms Again,” a Motown/H-D-H baton-pass) and, after being displaced by “Mr. Tambourine Man,” retook the top slot in early July. It was everywhere that year, selling over two and a half million copies; Billboard ranked it as the number two single of 1965, beaten only by Sam the Sham’s “Woolly Bully.” As Dave Marsh wrote in The Heart of Rock & Soul

in Detroit, every radio station blasted it once an hour for the whole damn summer…it seemed like you couldn’t work that damnably corny phrase out of your ears with a Q-Tip and a crane. By the time that summer ended, I was sick of it, so much so that I transferred my allegiance to The Temptations.

The Tops were in a Motortown Revue tour of the South that June, lower on the bill than Martha & the Vandellas, Marvin Gaye and Junior Walker. Each night the crowds grew wilder for them. By the end of the tour, the Tops were in the label’s top echelon.

“I Can’t Help Myself” (soon given the parenthetical “Sugar Pie Honey Bunch” as that’s what everyone called it) was the Tops’ “Where Did Our Love Go,” their “My Girl” and “Shotgun.” After eleven years on the road, it was their pop establishment: a hit they could make bank from for the rest of their lives. “The feast or famine days [were] over,” Duke Fakir recalled of the Tops’ reaction. “We weren’t going to starve.”

When Lamont Dozier came up with the “sugar pie honey bunch” hook, he had a chassis ready for it. “I Can’t Help Myself” has the same key, chord progression—C, G, D minor, F—and structure (a run of eight-bar sections, whose role blurs between verse and refrain, broken up by a baritone sax break) as H-D-H’s “Where Did Our Love Go.” You can sing some of each song over the backing tracks of the other (“bay-bee bay-bee, baby don’t [change to G] leave me” “sugar-pie honey-bunch you know I [change to G] love you“).

The essential alteration was in rhythm, with H-D-H trading the shuffle of “Where Did Our Love Go” for a hard beat by what sounds like two drummers—one doing four on the snare, the other playing intricate, shifting patterns. A rival rhythmic power was James Jamerson’s bassline, a seven-note insistence with a stress on the root note midway through and graced with lightning fills and subtle rhythm shifts (“dun-dun-da-dun duh-da-da” as Dozier described it: “the most famous riff I ever came up with,” though there are, of course, very credible claims that Jamerson came up with it).

The six-bar intro is a Funk Brothers master blueprint: bass, piano, and drums open [foundation]; tambourine, two guitars, and cellos enter on bar three [walls]; vibes, violins/violas, and baritone sax enter on bar five [roof]. Most everyone doubles Jamerson.

They settle into their roles for the verses: the thwacking 1! 2! 3! 4!, allowing even the most graceless dancer to move to it; the bassline groove (Jamerson, one guitarist, one pianist); the backbeat advocates (tambourine, guitar); the counter-rhythmists (vibes, the second drummer); and the graceful ornamenters of the vocal melody (strings). Free agents are Mike Terry on baritone sax, who nods in from time to time after his solo, and the lead pianist, likely Earl Van Dyke, possibly Dozier. In each verse, the pianist goes somewhere new, whether doing a variation on the lead melody, playing sparse chords, or ripping into a solo. That a performance of this caliber is barely audible, particularly in the single mixes, shows how rich in talent Motown was: they could turf performances that other labels would have built songs around.

The other Tops are used in pinpoint fashion, not given the lengthy commentary melodies of “Baby I Need Your Loving.” They’ll sometimes show up only once a verse, whether to harmonize on the title line or “sugar pie honey bunch”, or to sing a descending ooh-ooh-ooh-ooooh line in the latter half. It’s up to Stubbs to sell the thing, and he does: a performance of magnificent confidence, with heartbreak shined up as jubilation.

We Used to Dance to the Music

Upon the success of “I Can’t Help Myself,” Columbia Records discovered that they had in their archives a 1960 single by the current top group in the country (see Pt. 1). So Columbia planned to reissue it, giving its uptempo B-side (the Stubbs-penned “Ain’t That Love”) a remix to make it more “Motown.” 

In early July 1965, Berry Gordy got tipped off to this and gave H-D-H a brief: there would be a brand-new Motown Four Tops single in deejays’ hands within a day and in stores in less than a week. (In further retaliation, Gordy killed an arrangement with Columbia to use its pressing plants, which had been in place since 1960.)

In notes for the Complete Motown Singles: 1965, engineer Bob Dennis detailed the exhausting pace of 7 July 1965. The Tops cut their vocals in the afternoon (the backing tracks had been done weeks earlier), with H-D-H writing the lyric and crafting the vocal arrangement on the spot. By 5 PM, an initial mix was complete; by 6:30 PM, a master had been sent to a pressing plant while Dennis was hand-cutting copies for radio, being given new mixes by the hour. By midnight, Motown had 300 hand-cut radio promo copies ready to go. By 3 PM the following day, 1,500 copies of “It’s the Same Old Song” were en route, sometimes delivered by hand, to deejays across the country, and pressings of the single, stamped from two different mixes made on the same night, were on their way to stores. “It became a hit literally overnight,” Dennis wrote: #2 R&B, #5 pop. And Columbia’s “Ain’t That Love” died at #93.

This type of lightning strike was becoming standard for Motown, no longer a punchy regional indie but the merciless rival of the major labels. Not long afterward, Gordy, incensed that the latest Supremes single (“Nothing But Heartaches”) had failed to go Top 10 and thus broken the group’s streak of number ones, demanded a surefire Number One follow-up. When he heard the H-D-H demo of “I Hear a Symphony” he demanded the track be cut the same day; Eddie Holland scrambled to finish the lyric while he was teaching the song to Diana Ross. And it hit #1. (Motown also sued the writers of Len Barry’s “1-2-3” for ripping off the Supremes’ “Ask Any Girl,” winning partial compositional credit for H-D-H).

“It’s the Same Old Song” would be the most legendary of the H-D-H/Motown rush jobs, as well as the most self-aware. The title was a dig at the likes of Phil Spector, who complained that Motown put out the same track with a different mix every week. The song that the couple used to dance to, which is now tinged with sadness, is a Motown song—it could even be “I Can’t Help Myself.” 

Of course it was mostly the “Can’t Help Myself”/”Where Did Our Love Go” chord progression again, just shuffled a touch (C-Dm-F-G), and given more of a standard verse-refrain structure. It even opened with more confectionery business: you’re sweet, as a honeybee (which also stings, like the bee in “Where Did Our Love Go.”)

By rights “Same Old Song” should have been a cheap throwaway, a cash-in that sounded like it was written in an afternoon. Instead, the Tops and H-D-H were on such a tear that it’s the rare case of a sequel that betters its original. The melody is craftier, the Tops’ vocal arrangement livelier, Jamerson more ebullient (a brilliant performance that brings to mind Greil Marcus’ line that any Motown compilation could’ve been titled James Jamerson’s Greatest Hits), the bari sax solo and drums (the intro fill!) punchier, the vibes groovier, Stubbs even more winning. He’s in absolute control here, the solar battery of the track—he knows when to push, where to hold back, when to extemporize. “Sen-ti-men-tal fooo-oooh-ooool…am I,” he leads off one verse, as if unfurling a velvet carpet for his entrance.

Follow-up to the follow-up (originally titled “Backslider”), “Something About You,” released in October 1965 (R&B #9, Pop #19), finds H-D-H and the Tops tweaking the formula just enough, with a return to the “Can’t Help Myself” scenario of a guy infatuated with a woman who could care less if he’s around (“I’m just your puppet on a string…you’re a real heartbreaker!”). The intro has a killer guitar hook; the brass riffs are some of the funkiest performances the Tops have gotten yet, with the bari sax doing a rooster-blast of a solo. Jamerson plays a trick where he’ll drop out for a bar, then slam in hard just when you start to miss him.

It’s murky, scruffy, slightly absurd (“darling! dumpling!” “you’re a real humdinger!”) and the Tops at their horniest until the disco era. “Do me any way you wanna, when you wanna!”

The Four Tops Second Album, mostly recorded in summer 1965 and released that November, is their best album of the Sixties, and it’s as solid a collection as any Rolling Stones album of the period. The three hits are its backbone but the “filler” is also a set of top-rate H-D-H compositions, along with two quality throwbacks from 1964, including Smokey Robinson’s “Is There Anything I Can Do.”

Among the highlights: Love Feels Like Fire,where Lawrence Payton takes the blissed-out lead; the hook-saturated Helpless, mooted as a Tops single but later given to Kim Weston; Since You’ve Been Gone, in which the Tops bounce between contending vibraphone, piano and drum lines; Stay in My Lonely Arms, a loving devotion to vowel sounds; and I’m Grateful, where the smiling-through-tears situation gets pushed to its extreme: Stubbs sings about how delighted he is that his girlfriend dumped him, with a performance that borders on gospel testifying.

Loving You Is Sweeter Than Ever

As per the rules of war at Motown, if a production team’s latest single hadn’t done well, their act was open to seizure. In spring 1966, Holland-Dozier-Holland’s most recent Four Tops singles—“Something About You” and “Shake Me Wake Me (When It’s Over)”—had barely broken the Pop Top 20, so Ivy Jo Hunter got another chance with the group.

Hunter, who’d written “Ask the Lonely,” had a single ready to go: “Loving You Is Sweeter Than Ever,” which he’d co-composed with Stevie Wonder. The track dated to April 1965; its vocals and backing tracks had been cut on the same day, string overdubs done a week later. Hunter later claimed his single “changed H-D-H’s whole rhythm pattern [to] dum bum bum de bum de bum bump.” Wonder had come up with said drum line, which he reportedly played on the record. Unfortunately for them both, “Loving You” stalled out at #45 and didn’t even crack the R&B Top 10. The Tops remained H-D-H property. They retaliated by making the next Tops single the greatest that the group, and possibly H-D-H, ever released.

So “Loving You Is Sweeter Than Ever” is the odd man out in the gold run of mid-Sixties Tops Motown singles. An idyll; a mood undeveloped, a direction spurned.

Some of it’s Levi Stubbs’ performance. H-D-H often squeeze Stubbs to his pips, throwing him against his songs. Here he glides easy, wrapped lightly in the melody, buttressed by his fellow Tops in the refrains. Then there’s the shift-up in rhythm, the gracefully descending bassline in the verses, the almost comical baritone sax heard throughout (in the stereo mix—it’s axed from the mono). A feeling of being grateful, humbled. A delight in the possible, a savoring of the present. Among the most generous-spirited of the Tops hits, and the least frenetic, within it, for moment, all is well: storms are over.

I remember yet before we met, Stubbs begins, when every night and day I had to live the life of a lohhh-nely one (LONELY ONE! the Tops emphasize). Falling in love can turn one’s prior life, when remembered, into an unreality, a dust bowl—here, Stubbs recalls his past as if it had been forced upon him, a serfdom, liberated by chance (ABBA’s “The Day Before You Came” is a play on this, offering the contrary interpretation that the person Agnetha Fältskog is about to meet could be her killer).

“Loving You” was one of most-covered Four Tops songs of the time, and one which got the most wide-ranging interpretations. It was a sign of Tamla-Motown’s growing presence in the UK that among its earliest covers were by British acts, the Washington D.C.s (despite their name, from Harold Hill, Havering) and the Alan Price Set. Dion turned the song into a solitary musing, lacking harmonies, his joy a private consideration. When Bryan Ferry sung it on These Foolish Things in 1973, his ironies made the song unreadable. Was the singer blind, a fool, lost in a fog of delusion? Or more fervent a lover than even Stubbs had been?

Rick Danko at the Fillmore West, 1969 (Elliott Landy)

By 1969, covering Motown had lost some of its luster. The Beatles had seemed like hip connoisseurs of American R&B when they sang Miracles and Marvelettes songs in 1963, but Motown by decade’s end had come to signify, to a decent section of the hippie audience, a sort of squareness, a corporate respectability, that the more “real” soul and blues singers had shunned. So naturally, The Band made a habit of doing Motown songs on stage.

Rick Danko sang “Loving You Is Sweeter Than Ever.” Richard Manuel was The Band’s soul singer, Levon Helm their font of country and R&B. Danko hung between them, with his tremulous marginal voice, his phrasing conveying a fundamental decency, a wry acceptance of life’s tumult masking, at times, a wild current of despair (“It Makes No Difference” is Danko finally giving in).

When singing “Loving You Is Sweeter Than Ever,” Danko discovered what Stubbs had tried to keep hidden—a tremor of doubt, running through the song. That all the love and comfort and peace that the singer has finally found is provisional, that it rests on shaky foundations, that it all may fall away in a moment. “I have built my world around you,” Stubbs sings, parceling out each word , but that world stands to be snuffed out with each fresh morning.

So where Stubbs glides through the song, Danko scurries through it, straining with each high note, unable to settle, to find comfort. He’s amazed at his good luck, sure, but he wonders when it will run out. Where the Tops offer Stubbs brotherly assurance, Helm and Manuel, in their barroom harmonies, sound just as nervous, just as hung up as Danko. Nothing seems real, but when all you have is a promise of happiness, a chance of something going right, you have to grab at it, flailing like a drowning man. It’s the only time that anyone came close to stealing one of the Four Tops’ songs away from them.

Mame!: On the Essential Corniness of the Four Tops

If they’ve got anything to say
There’s many black ears here to listen
But it was Four Tops all night! with encores from stage right

The Clash, “White Man in Hammersmith Palais”

You know, in the Tops we’ve always had the idea that we should do something for everybody. We used to record for the Riverside jazz label, but we also sang rhythm & blues like The Dominoes, and we do everything from standards to Beatles songs. Why should we restrict ourselves? Music is enjoyment.

Lawrence Payton, to the NME, May 1967

Duke Fakir, writing of how he selects singers for touring editions of the Four Tops, said that to be a Top means a commitment to an elegant mode of being. 

A Top is elevated but warm, gracious and refined: an ambassadorship in pop. Fakir dismissed unworthy candidates for acting and singing “like a Temptation.” The Temptations could sing about getting high all day or burying your deadbeat dad. Not the Four Tops. Even when their city was in flames, they wore gorgeously-tailored matching rose-colored suits at the Copacabana or on Ed Sullivan, interspersing their Motown hits with renditions of “Climb Ev’ry Mountain,” “Matchmaker Matchmaker,” “Maria,” and “Nice ‘n’ Easy.”

And “Mame,” which the Tops recorded in May 1966 for their On Broadway album. A contemporary pick, as Jerry Herman’s musical of Auntie Mame had just opened on Broadway. The Tops get the sort of Dixieland jazz arrangement you’d hear in a Disney park antebellum ride. Fakir, Benson, and Payton sing their choral “MAMEs” in queasy descending harmonies, while Stubbs gives a bossy swing to lines like “you brought Dixie back to Dix-ie-land!” (by comparison, the Mame cast singers let the line deflate), “you coax the blues right out of the horn!” and “you make the Four Tops feel like kings!” At least they mercifully cut lines like “you make the cotton easy to pick!…tonight the chicken fries again! you make the South rise again MAME!”

This is the Tops completely without irony, at a polar extreme of corniness. It may seem bewildering that they put this out within weeks of releasing something as sublime as “Bernadette.” But supper club corn is as fundamental to the Four Tops as the timbre of Stubbs’ voice. Even those who love the band cringe at it. Dave Marsh called the pre-Motown Tops “Motor City nightclub hacks.” Motown Junkies wrote of the Tops mining an “underground seam of cheese,” which, in the late Sixties “was suddenly exposed in something approaching an open-cast dairy.”

Berry Gordy gets blamed for this, that he pushed the Tops into the tuxedo nightclub scene along with The Supremes. And yes, one of Gordy’s ultimate goals for Motown was to get his stars the same billing (and pay) as a Dean Martin or Judy Garland; to lodge them—Black singers of Black composers for a Black-owned record label—dead-center in the American entertainment business. But for the Four Tops, this is to ascribe motivation to a secondary character.

The Tops’ taste for Broadway belters, American Songbook sob standards, and all-around schlock is theirs. They were born in the mid-Thirties, they grew up on swing and light pop, had sung it since their first days on stage. Fakir believed that the greatest track the Tops ever recorded is their take on “MacArthur Park.” Asked in 1981 what his favorite Tops album was, Stubbs said On Broadway.

If anything, the Holland-Dozier-Holland Tops—three actors supporting a lead performer in increasingly baroque rock & soul psychodramas—is the great aberration of their career. Given half the chance, the Tops would happily slip back into their Billy Eckstine-era suits and sing “On the Street Where You Live,” all smiles, in immaculate four-part harmony.

The Tops saw themselves as broad-market entertainers with no exclusive allegiance to rock ‘n’ roll or R&B. Given the right arrangement, they happily would have sung “Thunderball” or “The Impossible Dream” or “Bye Bye Birdie.” In the mid-Sixties, even The Beatles had no clue how long the rock boom would last, so having “A Taste of Honey” and “Bluesette” as set staples was to hedge one’s bets. 

To the Sunday News in 1966, the Tops said “they want to gradually leave rock ‘n’ roll for adult music,” which Brian Epstein, then making overtures about becoming their manager, agreed was the right step for them. Stubbs told the NME in 1967 that he got irked whenever people called the Tops a “soul group” or “Tamla-style.””We’re not any one thing…we’ve been lucky in being able to appeal to many various tastes in music, and this is still our policy.” Nik Cohn quoted an unnamed Top, perhaps accurately, as saying “I don’t dig down-home anymore. It’s embarrassing.”

In 1966, the Four Tops did two sessions of “adult music.” The first, in March, was for the second side of the On Top album.

Where The Four Tops Second Album had been the beneficiary of H-D-H’s largesse, the exhausted songwriters now had only a couple of album fillers to give the Tops (the best of the lot, the gorgeous “There’s No Love Left,” was handed to the Isley Brothers as a single).

So to pad out the LP, the Tops cut a set of contemporary middle-of-the-road material, including “Matchmaker Matchmaker” from Fiddler on the Roof, Antonio Jobim’s “Quiet Nights of Quiet Stars,” Toots Thielemans’ “Bluesette,” and Lennon/McCartney’s “Michelle.” (“A Taste of Honey,” also cut in the session, didn’t make the album; it was finally released in a Motown copyright dump a few years ago).

On Top is the return of the Breaking Through “jazz” Tops of 1963. The Tops are mostly heard in close harmonies, a mesh of sound in which no individual voice dominates, though the tenors—Fakir and Payton—take prominence in the mix. Payton gets the solo turns on “Michelle” and “Bluesette.” There’s a feeling of luxuriation throughout, in Payton’s feathery phrasing, in how the Tops soak in the melodies. “Matchmaker Matchmaker” is done with garish dramatics: the Tops as stage magicians, whisking handkerchiefs and baubles from the air.

Four Tops on Broadway, mostly recorded in Los Angeles in May 1966 (produced by Frank Wilson, who would become the essential post-H-D-H Motown figure for the group) and released early the following year, is a further revision of Breaking Through, down to retrieving one track from the latter’s sessions (“Nice ‘n’ Easy”) and remaking another (“On the Street Where You Live”). It was part of a sequence of other “uptown Motown” LPs like Marvin Gaye’s 1964 Hello Broadway (from which they took Gaye’s title song and “My Way” (an in-house composition; the Sinatra anthem had yet to be born) and The Supremes at the Copa.

Where the On Top tracks are the Tops as harmonists, On Broadway restores Stubbs to the lead role. You can see why Stubbs loved this record, as it’s among the most vocally-challenging set of songs he ever tackled. He’s straining and tearing at the high end of his range on “Maria” (the other Tops and the Andantes echo around him, sounding as if they’re in lunar orbit), and working his low end on “Make Someone Happy”; he’s all swagger on the title track and “Mame,” becomes a load-bearing weight on “Climb Ev’ry Mountain” (seems like it’s a hard climb), and is a bright piece of the brass arrangement on “What Did I Have That I Don’t Have.”

On Broadway is unsettling. Most of its tracks are like grand terrariums, with Stubbs’ voice as the flower in their center. The vocals, the arrangements, the musicians are top rate, there’s nothing to be added, everything is absolutely tasteful (well, apart from “Mame”), but many of its songs have no inner life—they’re immaculate preservations.

The Tops considered the LP one of their peaks as a group. They had put in the time at Motown, had gotten the pop hits, had done the press and the tours. On Broadway was their reward for service, the album they had signed with Motown to make—the culmination of twelve years of work. To consider it as any sort of “sell out” to white America is to grievously misjudge it, and the people who recorded it.

Still, by 1967, Motown had become suspect, particularly in the eyes of white music critics and activists, with the label’s mainstream aspirations considered to be, if not complicit and soul-eroding, at the least greatly outdated. In the face of the counter-culture, the rising antiwar movement, the greater militancy in the civil rights movement, an act making a Broadway or “live at the Copacabana” record was pledging itself to plastic white America, making art aligned with Sing Along With Mitch or Readers’ Digest Condensed Books.

The Supremes and the Tops took the brunt of this among the Motown acts, getting compared disparagingly to “real” Black singers. Decades later, Mary Wilson recalled in her memoir:

English journalists [were] far more critical than the Americans about…selling out. The English held on to the misguided notion that a black who was singing and didn’t sound like Aretha Franklin or Otis Redding must have been corrupted in some way. And what was this church business? None of us ever sang in church…Our roots were in American music, everything from rock to show tunes, and always had been. We weren’t recording standards because they were foisted upon us by Motown. We loved doing them and had since we were fourteen years old…Did they mean that blacks could only sing “soulful” music? Or that to sing Cole Porter, you could only be white? These ideas struck me as a new kind of racism.

Not just the English. Ralph J. Gleason, in an essay for the American Scholar in autumn 1967, said “the Negro performers, from James Brown to Aaron Neville to The Supremes and the Four Tops, are on an Ed Sullivan trip, striving as hard as they can get on that stage and become part of the American success story, while the white rock performers are motivated to escape from the stereotype.” Calling the Tops and Supremes as choreographed as the McGuire Sisters, and that “the only true black position is that of Stokely Carmichael,” Gleason condemned the NAACP “and most of the other formal [civil rights] groups” as akin to “the Tops and Supremes on an Ed Sullivan/TV trip to middle America.”

This was a white hipster/radical position—that the Black artist’s primary function is to rebel, to be an avatar of “the street,” to confront, to rage against a white middle-class America that the hipster loathes. In Gleason’s eyes, the likes of the Quicksilver Messenger Service and Jefferson Airplane were living more adversarially to white society than James Brown was. A position heard in Joe Strummer’s character in “White Man in Hammersmith Palais” from a decade later—a white punk goes to a Jamaican reggae show yearning for revolutionary incitement but only gets “Four Tops all night!”: professional, crowd-pleasing entertainment.

Charles Shaar Murray called it out decades ago in his Crosstown Traffic: “Equality of opportunity and participation in the cultural, social, and economic mainstream of America was declared to be a worthless and contemptible goal just when it seemed that black people had a chance of achieving it.” In the mid-Sixties, the Four Tops and The Supremes could at last buy houses in once-whites-only upscale Detroit neighborhoods. Recall that when Nat King Cole did this in Los Angeles in the Forties, his neighbors poisoned his dog and burned a cross on his lawn. If the Motown acts could finally achieve some measure of material comfort by singing “Climb Ev’ry Mountain,” was it some sort of betrayal? Of whom?

Ultimately the Tops’ Broadway aspirations, their aim to become the Billy Eckstines of their generation, came to naught because the concept of “adult music” was changing (Eckstine found this out as well, as the singles he cut for Motown in this period flopped hard).

On Broadway didn’t sell, stalling out at #79 on the Billboard album chart. The Tops had made the wrong bet. By the end of the Sixties, the Tops’ covers were almost exclusively of recent-charting pop and rock singles, mostly by white artists. The music of the counter-culture would become the new standards, while singing “The Very Thought of You” in a tuxedo would be an act confined to an increasingly smaller circle of nightclubs, hotel bars, and cabarets. When the Four Tops went on the road in the last decades of the 20th Century, it was as a Motown act. The audiences that went to see them at county fairs and clubs wanted to hear their H-D-H songs, not “Mame.”

Reiland Rabaka, in his Civil Rights Music, wrote that “what was new, exciting, and inspiring about Motown in the 1960s was that it consistently presented African Americans in general, and African American youth in specific, in dignified and sophisticated ways that the white male-dominated music industry—indeed, white America in general—had never dreamed of.” Four Tops on Broadway, if nothing else, is a dream delivered.

The Four Tops In: The Divine Comedy

Marvel Comics of the mid-60s had several innovative competitive advantages over their competition…Characters were dogged by tragedy and hard luck, and would brood on it between their epic fights….Jack Kirby’s main technique was foreshortening—dramatic distortions of perspective that made limbs and figures seem to be blasting off and out of the page, a visual language that matched the melodrama of comics dialogue—flying bodies and punches given unreal emphases to match the urgent splatter of bold-type words in the speech bubbles. Parallels between Marvel and Motown—that other great 60s small business success—are there to be forced. But when I hear “Reach Out I’ll Be There”—and especially Levi Stubbs’ vocal performance—Jack Kirby’s newsprint epics are what springs to mind.

Tom Ewing, on “Reach Out I’ll Be There.”

The key thing was, we wrote teenage songs. That’s what I always said. We’re writing teenage songs in an adult situation. The kids are too young to feel like the songs say they felt, but they could identify with those feelings.

Eddie Holland.

“A party atmosphere,” as Lamont Dozier described the Four Tops recording sessions at Motown in 1966 and early 1967. The Tops would hit Detroit fresh from the road, and went back on tour in a week or two. Within that window, Holland-Dozier-Holland had to get a single out of them, often an album.

Sessions ran until four or five in the morning. Boxes of ribs, coleslaw, and baked beans from Brothers Barbecue. Cold Duck sparkling wine, ferried from Pontchartrain Wine Cellars on West Larned Street. In a handful of days, in the span of roughly half a year, this produced three of the greatest singles in Sixties pop.

The Tops considered the first of these an experiment, like the “Holland-Dozier” oddities they’d done when starting out at Motown three years before. Maybe the track would fill a second-side slot on an album; more likely, it would be junked. Smokey Robinson thought the same when he heard it: “That’s too strange. It ain’t gonna sell.”

When Berry Gordy played an early mix for Duke Fakir, Fakir balked. This is gonna be a disaster, what are you doing, Berry? He begged for the Tops to go back in the studio, cut something else. Gordy laughed, told Fakir to get his taxes in order, as he was going to make some real money.

Released at the ebb of the summer, “Reach Out I’ll Be There” was topping radio station charts within two weeks. It hit number one nationally—US pop and R&B—in early October, and crowned the British charts soon afterward.

Paradiso: Look Over Your Shoulder!

Reach Out I’ll Be There

Released: 18 August 1966, Motown 1098 (R&B, Pop #1)

If the dearest place is taken from me, I may not lose the others by my songs.

Dante, Paradiso, Canto XVII

In 1966, Holland-Dozier-Holland had The Supremes, they had the Four Tops, they had Marvin Gaye, they gave the Isley Brothers a smash with “This Old Heart of Mine,” Eddie Holland was co-writing The Temptations’ singles. H-D-H were even writing for Chris Clark, Berry Gordy’s latest (and best) attempt to market a white pop star. Their in-house rivals swung between envy and resentment. Whenever a Holland brother or Dozier walked into a rival producer’s session, they got the cold shoulder.

But Lamont Dozier, who endured periods of depression throughout the decade, believed that despite the charts and the sales figures, he and his partners were in a hole. They were expected to produce number-one hits on a seemingly weekly basis, while success was a debased currency:

The curse of creativity is that you’re always looking at the next horizon or searching for a new milestone. It’s hard to feel satisfied. I don’t recall which one it was, but I remember looking at one of those number-one songs and wishing it could have done something better. But what? You can’t get higher than number one! There was still a nagging sense of restlessness.

The collapse of a proposed Beatles/H-D-H collaboration (it apparently didn’t go beyond opening negotiations) had deprived H-D-H of a chance to move to a wider stage. Their names had made the newspapers, with the trio mentioned as the bright lights of Detroit’s hip independent label, but they weren’t on the same tier as Lennon and McCartney, or Bob Dylan, where they should have been.

H-D-H were listening to Dylan a good deal now: Highway 61 Revisited and, as the summer went on, Blonde on Blonde. Eddie Holland marveled at Dylan’s rhymes, his ragbag of images, his wild tonal shifts, what he could get away with in a pop song. Dozier and Brian Holland were taken with how Dylan blurred spoken and sung lines, the rhythmic intricacy of his phrasing. Dylan “would do that thing, ‘Heyyyyy,’ “Hoewww,’ where he’d drag a phrase out, that I liked,” Dozier said.

They needed new sounds. Brian played stacks of classical LPs, listening for counterpoint ideas, melodies, chord progressions, fresh rhythms (they’d soon set Martha and the Vandellas’ “I’m Ready for Love” to a variation on a merengue beat), unusual instrumentation. The latter had become an arms race in pop, with acts pillaging studio closets: sitars (“Norwegian Wood,” “Paint It, Black”), harpsichords (“For Your Love”), dulcimers (“Lady Jane”), banjos (“Stop Stop Stop”), marimbas (“Under My Thumb”), theremin (“Good Vibrations”) and so on. To release a standard brass-and-stomp Motown number in this atmosphere would have been an admission of mediocrity.

A breakthrough came with two Supremes singles that H-D-H cut back-to-back in early summer 1966: “You Can’t Hurry Love” and “You Keep Me Hangin’ On.” These tracks, both number ones, were hard modernist pop: no Spector-esque clutter but a sparse number of instruments, cleanly defined in the mix (with James Jamerson’s bass a main character), with multi-tracked drums and a multi-tracked Diana Ross, and unstable chord progressions that yawed between major and minor. There was a new emotional clarity in Eddie Holland’s lyrics, an urgency in Ross’ vocals and Flo Ballard and Mary Wilson’s harmonies.

And a few startling instrumental hooks, particularly in “You Keep Me Hangin’ On,” where four guitarists played in unison a “telegraph” line that came from Dozier’s childhood memory of a staccato alert that heralded Walter Winchell’s news broadcasts.

One day Dozier walked into H-D-H’s workspace at Motown to find Brian Holland at the piano, playing at ballad tempo, as he often did while composing: it gave him space to shape a melody. He was playing a round of E-flat minor chords brightening to B-flat majors, and told Dozier he wasn’t sure where to go next. Dozier said to pick up the tempo. Sitting down next to Brian, Dozier began to frame the song, suggesting they crash a moody “classical” verse into a gospel refrain (H-D-H had just deconsecrated one gospel chorus, “you can’t hurry God/ you just have to wait,” for The Supremes).

“I wanted to create a mind-trip, a journey of emotions which sustained tension like a bolero,” Dozier told Marc Myers in Anatomy of a Song. “To get this across I alternated the keys, from a minor Russian feel in the verse to a major gospel feel in the chorus.” Trading musical phrases back and forth, Brian and Dozier soon realized they needed to bridge the song’s warring kingdoms, coming up with a five-bar section that strides from a G-flat major (the III chord of the verse’s E-flat minor key) to close on a bristling F major open seventh, the dominant of the B-flat major refrain.

Dozier also offered a lyrical twist: the point-of-view should be that of someone pledging his strength to a woman who stands outside the song, whose struggles we aren’t privy to. A man pleading with someone in crisis.

Eddie Holland said H-D-H always wrote with women listeners in mind, as they were the ones who bought the records, and in the Four Tops singles, Levi Stubbs offered a “masculine”-coded version of heartbreak—a man who sings like a thunder god but who’s always fearful, betrayed, broken, discarded.

Not here. “Reach Out I’ll Be There” is Stubbs reborn as a voice of hope, of constancy, selflessness. A man once of blinkered perspective, someone who thought he was the loneliest who had ever lived, who thought his neighbors mocked his despair, now opens his eyes. He steps beyond himself, he looks outward, he offers his hand. If you feel that you can’t GO ON, and that all of your hope is GONE…

Dozier told him to sing “Reach Out” as if Bob Dylan was a storefront preacher: “I wanted the lyrics to be phrased in a special way—as though they were being thrown down.” Eddie polished the lines and made a demo for Stubbs, leaving a few spaces in the verses and refrains for Stubbs to improvise.

Even in the vocal booth, Stubbs wasn’t sold on the track. “I’m not a shouter,” he said. He’d written the lyric in a notebook and as he sang through a take, he’d crack up at times. H-D-H told Stubbs to try Dylan’s ploy of elongating a syllable or vowel sound, as if troubling notes on harmonica: “youuu uuus-ed to beee, so ah-muuuuused.” So Stubbs elaborates his aitches (“hang your HEAD,” “hand to HOLD”) and puts his weight on peak notes that he drags across bars, the high A-flats on “can’t go AH-AHHNN,” “hope is GAH-AHHNN,” “con-FUUUUS-ION,” “il-LUUUS-ION” and so on. It’s salvation as hectoring, as if the only way he can get through is to give the other no chance to respond.

There’s another Dylan reference deep in the song—“drifting out all on your own,” which calls back to “Like a Rolling Stone”: on your own, no direction home. Dylan had sung those lines with the bright contempt he brought to much of his mid-Sixties work, but there’s a delight, a rush in Dylan’s voice as well—someone’s ruin can also be their liberation. Miss Lonely is free, if nothing else. Stubbs answers Dylan by denying, with all his might, as if drawing iron from a rock, the belief that there’s no hope left, that no alternatives remain. I know what you’re thinkin’! You’re a loner, no love of your own!

But dar-ling…

0:20 to 0:23 of “Reach Out I’ll Be There” (transcription: Andrew Flory)

In the verses, Fakir, Obie Benson, and Lawrence Payton start each harmony phrase on the beat after Stubbs ends, closing after he’s moved onto the next line—the cumulative effect is of Stubbs being echoed by a calmer, refined interpretation of his thoughts. The Tops vary their approaches: sometimes they sing Stubbs’ entire phrase (“happiness is just an ill-oo-sion”), other times, his closing words (“look ah-round”), centering on what the woman most needs to hear at any moment.

In the pre-chorus section, the harmonizers (the Tops and the Andantes) take the lead—“REACH OUUUUUT”— as Stubbs plays off of them: “Come on girl, reach out for me! Reach out for ME-EEE!” The last bar, an odd fifth measure, is an ultimate moment of suspense, the singers dropping out while James Jamerson heralds the change.

And the refrain. It’s a melody that seems as if it had already been there, that H-D-H had found it in a hymnal, but no, it was called into being by three men in a room in Detroit in the summer of 1966, this grand cosmos of a chorus, this pop miracle. The Andantes, as ever the essential ingredient of a Motown track, lift the roof, extending the harmonies to the sky. The refrain is the marriage of the pre-chorus (the long-held I’LL BE THERE…CHERISH AND CARE FOR YOUUU) and the verse (agitated eight-note phrasings, as if Stubbs still isn’t sure he’s gotten through—“with a love that will shel-ter you-ou-ou!”). Strings were overdubbed as well, playing at different intervals between Jamerson’s bass notes “to widen the sound,” as the track’s arranger Paul Riser said.

H-D-H had brought in Riser for “the sweeteners”—overdubs to glisten the single, particularly to give more drama to the introduction. Did the idea come from Ennio Morricone’s soundtrack to A Few Dollars More? “Reach Out” opens as a spectral Western landscape, with horse hooves panned across the mix, a sound created by someone (possibly Norman Whitfield) drumming on a tambourine without ringers.

Riser also doubled a piccolo and flute, playing a melody established on guitar. “The piccolo’s piercing sound was essential,” Riser told Myers. “It’s like a siren…the sound of a heart crying. A flute alone would have been too warm and comforting.”

A last touch. H-D-H and whoever else was in the studio gathered around a microphone for a collective shout, transcribed variously as “YYYAH!” or “RR-RRRAH!” or “NRRRAH!” It’s at the start of each verse, dubbed over Stubbs’ opening notes, and the effect is of a group hoisting Stubbs into his song. To give him, as Dozier said, “a little shove forward.” The communal grace of “Reach Out I’ll Be There” extends to its singer. The movement he needs is on his shoulder.

Purgatorio: Crying Ain’t Gonna Help Me Now!

Standing in the Shadows of Love.

Released 28 November 1966, Motown 1102 (R&B #2, Pop #6)

He first heaved a deep sigh, which grief forced to ‘Alas!,’ then began: ‘Brother, the world is blind and indeed thou comest from it.’

Dante, Purgatorio, Canto XVI.

The middle chapter is disarray. Empathy falls to grievance. Sacrifice becomes a transaction. “How can you watch me cry, after all I’ve done for you?”

Upon success, Holland-Dozier-Holland would swerve. Their follow-ups remind the listener of the hit but aren’t a bald retread. Often the sequel was an ironic commentary on its predecessor. “It’s the Same Old Song” revises “I Can’t Help Myself,” turning the latter into a song on the radio to torment the now-dumped Levi Stubbs when he hears it.

On “Standing in the Shadows of Love,” H-D-H use some “Reach Out I’ll Be There” sounds (flute/piccolo, horse clops); the pre-chorus progression shuffles the “Reach Out” verse chords; the Fakir-Payton-Benson-Andantes harmonies again take the lead for a chorus. But the single, recorded in October 1966 and released at the end of November, is a hard repudiation of what came before.

No community here, no help offered—the singer and his lover are out for themselves, locked in their own worlds. We’re stuck in the singer’s mind, running through self-pity, accusation, desperation. Its title is one of H-D-H’s greatest images—Levi Stubbs as an exile from his happiness, left standing outside it, or mired in a dark reflection of it.

No cinematic intro here, either. The chorus hits you at once—Stubbs’ “stand-ing-in-the-sha-dows-of-LOVE,” like an instant nightfall (and a challenge for DJs, who had pattered through the opening bars of “Reach Out”). The verse doesn’t yearn to resolve in a grand refrain: it’s more an extended agitation leading only to a break in which Stubbs hollers accusations over bongo and bass accompaniment, first moving up a fifth, a prosecutor’s tone (“didn’t I treat you right now baby, DIDN’T I?”), then slinking down an octave, a pathetic beg (“didn’t I do the best I could now didn’t I?”).

There’s exasperation in Stubbs’ performance here. Each verse ends with him yelling “now hold on a minute! now wait a minute!”—he’s breaking down the song. It’s as if after having been granted a reprieve, he’s woken up to find himself back under guard.

“Levi would always say, ‘oh man, why don’t you knock the key down?'” Motown songwriter/performer R. Dean Taylor recalled to Hit Parader in 1972. “Standing in the Shadows of Love” took two nights at Motown’s new Studio B to record Stubbs’ lead vocal: “about sixteen hours to dub in, line by line. The guy could hardly hit the notes.” His phrasing can be harsh, combative: see his “I’m tryin’ NOT to cry out LOW-OW-OWD” retort to the other Tops, or the sickly way he extends “the end for me-eee-ee.”

H-D-H would write with the Tops and the Supremes equally in mind, switching tracks at the last minute. “They would write one song for Levi, and they would say, ‘oh no, that sounds like Diana’,” Payton told Gerri Hirshey. “Levi would sing sort of high and brilliant, ’cause he would sing in the same key as Diana.” (The title likely came from an H-D-H Supremes album track, “Standing at the Crossroads of Love.” Its working title was “My Search Has Ended,” suggesting a more ambiguous tone—could the song have been a victory?)

“Reach Out” moves like clockwork but its dramatics make the song feel like a continual unfolding. “Standing in the Shadows of Love,” as structurally cyclical (chorus/verse/pre-chorus/break, repeat), is a trap. It’s colder, even cynical, elevated only by James Jamerson’s bassline (“an Eastern feel, a spiritual thing,” Jamerson told Nelson George. “The bassline has an Arabic feel”). Jamerson roams in the refrains while tensing in the pre-choruses, where he’s usually playing open notes or dancing between two strings on the first fret.

Its fatalism becomes overwhelming. The worst has yet to appear and Stubbs braces for it. It may come today, it might come tomorrow, he sings, with a moment’s emphasis on “might,” as if allowing himself hope, only to dispel it in the next breath. But it’s for sure—I ain’t got nothing but sorrow.

Inferno: They Pretend to Be My Friend

Bernadette

Released 16 February 1967, Motown 1104 (R&B #3, Pop #4)

Love, which absolves no one loved from loving,
seized me so strongly with his charm that,
as you see, it does not leave me yet.

Dante, Inferno, Canto V.

Bernadette was my first muse, and she stayed my muse for a lot of years. Even when I got to Motown, when I thought about what love was supposed to feel like, I’d always come back to her. But it’s not even about Bernadette; it’s about that feeling. That’s what I’ve been writing about for years.

Lamont Dozier.

Start with Lawrence Payton, Obie Benson, and Duke Fakir. No, strike Fakir: he was sick the day they cut backing vocals. The Temptations’ Eddie Kendricks took his place as tenor.

So there are only three Tops on “Bernadette.” Everything is a bit off here.

In earlier singles, the other Tops had bolstered Stubbs, set him in frames, advocated for him. The first time you hear them in “Bernadette” they strike like wasps, overdubbed singing “Bernadette” midway upon Stubbs doing the same. It’s barely audible in the single mix, but the ear knows it’s there, a sharp piece of a general anxiety introduced in the opening bars.

The next thing they do is a wordless sigh, a blend of longing and despair—-AH-ah_AHH-AHH-AHHHH. They can sing Bernadette’s name, or they can lament and shudder: that’s mostly all they’ve been allotted here. Louvain Demps, of The Andantes (as always, the high end of the harmonies here), grew up Catholic. She once said “Bernadette” reminded her of Gregorian chants.

Stubbs opens with “Bernadette!” and it’s the last word that you hear at the fade. The name could have constituted the entire lyric, Stubbs worrying it again and again and again. The pursed stop of BER, the harsh nasal of NUH, the teeth-strike of DETTE. The Tops-Kendricks-Andantes vocals (The Originals may be there, too) are its premature, jittery echo:

Not the sort of name which usually titles a pop song. It doesn’t ring or resound (“I didn’t like the name, not at all,” Eddie Holland said), no Gloria or Maria or Lola. It lacks the sophistication of a Renee or Michelle, the swing of a Caledonia or Lucille or Betty. A Catholic name, a saint’s name, it also sounds plainspun, humble, fusty. Unlikely to be the center of so grand an obsession as this.

The Hollands and Dozier each had Bernadettes in their lives (Brian was dating his Bernadette, a school girlfriend whom he’d reconnected with, at the time they wrote the song—it was her middle name). Dozier’s Bernadette was a vision from childhood, “a beautiful Italian girl with eyes for someone else.” He was one of the few Black kids in his elementary school. A girl invited everyone but him to her birthday party. Bernadette, learning this, told him to go anyway. The girl’s father answered the door, scowled, said for Dozier to pack off. Only Bernadette tried to intervene, to no avail. He walked home alone. “There was a veil of lies that was deceiving people about race, and I thought maybe I could pull it down with music,” he wrote. “It made me want to answer ugliness with beauty. I just had to figure out how to do it.”

One of H-D-H’s songwriting rules was never to use a woman’s name in a song (“Brenda” was an Eddie-only composition). The women who bought their records didn’t want to hear Levi Stubbs or Marvin Gaye crooning someone else’s name, they figured. But upon learning they all had a Bernadette, building a song around that name seemed fated.

Eddie, who had to write the lyric, protested at first. Bernadette doesn’t rhyme with anything, he said, except something like “I’m in debt.” “I struggled with that song for hours and hours in my apartment, into the wee hours of the morning,” he wrote in his memoir. “Most of it was already done, but there was something missing – sometimes, you need just that one line.” He was on the phone with a girlfriend, who told him “how people can go their whole lives without finding the kind of relationship we had. I heard her say that and I said, ‘That’s it!’ That was the line! I said, ‘I gotta go,’ and hung up.”

A coda for Dozier. Sometime in the mid-to-late Sixties, he was driving on Woodward Avenue when he saw a woman pushing a double stroller, with another baby on her hip. It was his Bernadette. “She still had that beauty. I took the next right down a side street and circled back around the block to get a second look. But I didn’t stop and, as far as I know, she was never aware that she inspired me to write that song.”

“Bernadette” extended the Tops’ hot streak on pop radio. A product of H-D-H’s melodic gifts, of Motown’s promotional muscle, and the peak of James Jamerson’s and Stubbs’ genius, it was a hit, a solid one in spring 1967. You may still hear it today, on a PA system in a grocery store or a CVS, slotted between “Runaround” and “Uptown Girl.”

But “Bernadette” is also a far extremity, an Arctic island. It is a work of sublime weirdness, and the culmination of everything H-D-H and the Tops had done at Motown, the vortex terminus of the line.

In “Reach Out I’ll Be There” and “Standing in the Shadows of Love,” Stubbs’ character keeps his eye on the woman he’s singing to—offering consolation in the former, a fatalistic despair in the latter. But here, from the start, the singer and “Bernadette” aren’t alone. He’s all too aware of others, these men who jostle around him, hemming him in. While envy is a hunger for something which another has, jealousy is a desperate grasp at what you already have. “Bernadette” is a colossal ode to it.

BERNADETTE, as Stubbs opens the first section of the song (there aren’t quite verses or refrains here, more like alternating nightmares). People are SEARCHING for…the kind of love that we POSSESS. Some go on, Stubbs giving these words the same syllabic push as Bernadette’s name, equating “them” with her. Searching their whole life through….and never find the love l’ve FOUND IN YOUUUUU. The other singers fling his last word high into the air.

The track was a battle to record. Once again, H-D-H put Stubbs in a key he wasn’t comfortable in, making him lunge to hit the top notes. As with “Standing in the Shadows of Love,” Stubbs needed to cut his lead vocal line by line, steadying himself after each climactic note, bracing for the next round, the engineer winding the tape back to the next phrase. One part of the song (Eddie didn’t say which; it could be any section) looked to defeat Stubbs. He cut take after take, blowing it each time. Eddie thought to bring in some fans who were standing outside Motown, looking for autographs. “Levi’s a performer. What does a performer do?” And sure enough, standing at the mike before a modest group of strangers in the studio, Stubbs hit the notes.

It’s not just the high notes, though—“Bernadette” requires Stubbs to rage from the start, to maintain this fanatic baseline throughout the whole song, while frequently going over the top . It’s a love song as a hell, with Stubbs an idolater. Everyone is set against him, while Bernadette is silent throughout. He begs her, pleads at her, but she gives nothing to him. The second verse is the fever peak of a fever song, with Stubbs’ phrasing a run of obsessive Dylanisms:

But while I liive……only to HOLD ya
some other men—-they LONG to CONTROL ya
but how can they CONTROL you BERNADETTE ?? (“sweet Bernadette!”) when
they cannot control THEMSELVES BERNADETTE!! (“sweet Bernadette!”)
from WANTING YOU
NEEEEEEDING YOU
BUT DAR-LING
YOU BELONNNNG to ME!
I’LL TELL THE WORLD!!! YOU BELONG TO ME!!
I’LL TELL THE WORLD!! YOU’RE THE SOUL IN ME!!!

“Bernadette” only gives a few points of release. First, James Jamerson’s bassline, in which Jamerson isolates himself from the high drama, devoting his time to assembling a set of tricky, solid grooves, which he then tinkers with later in the song. It’s as if he’s standing next to the song, offering another path to follow. He makes arpeggio skips in the refrains (usually hopping from root, third, fifth to octave), then zips back down, swinging to the next chord with a chromatic passing note or a quick chromatic run.

(For more, read Chris Axe: “The pull of the chromatic figure is so strong, that’s all you hear. You don’t notice, and it simply doesn’t matter that there are some ‘wrong’ notes being played.”)

Jamerson’s bass on the bridge into the third verse (1:45-2:10)

There’s the bridge. Neither “Reach Out” nor “Standing” have one—those songs only alternate between verse and refrain until the end. But here, after the third “refrain” section, there’s a shift to the usual G-flat chord that starts the verse, only for the song to move elsewhere at last. Stubbs, for once, isn’t alone—the backing singers now harmonize with him, and he follows the contours of the flute melody, the horns offering support. It’s beautiful: a moment of sunlight in a long darkness.

And a final trick. Stubbs, desperate, imploring Bernadette to keep loving him, seems to be readying for the fadeout. Instead the music hits a wall. A gap of silence which feels like it lasts ten seconds. Stubbs gets punched in, with his most epic “BERNADETTE!” on the track—he’ll be damned if the song is going to end now. But he’s not on the beat. You’re forever anticipating him to come back, but it’s hard to nail his timing. He always comes in a breath too soon, or too late, than the memory expects.

Hearing an early mix, Berry Gordy thought this was a mistake. Bring back Levi on the one, he said, sync him with the bass and kick. Brian Holland refused. That would be too comfortable. “I want to throw the listener off,” he said. No easy pleasures in this song.

All of the hopes, the desires, the longings, the crushed dreams of the H-D-H/Tops era were fated to end up here, on this desolate plain where love gets twisted into magnificent horrors. Love as a religious delusion (at the fade, Stubbs at last realizes it), a curse, an absolute desperation to not be alone. Keep on needing me! Stubbs howls into the void.

For H-D-H and the Four Tops, after this, there was nowhere else to go, and no way back.

Goth Postscript

The Four Tops’ follow-up to “Bernadette” was “7-Rooms of Gloom” (why the hyphen?). Released in May 1967, it reached #10 on the Billboard R&B chart, #14 on the Hot 100.

Deep in the Holland-Dozier-Holland grand guignol style, the single feels uneven, overworked. Essential to the Four Tops’ “Reach Out” trilogy is how the songs gallop towards the divide between the sublime and the camp, but never go over it; “7-Rooms” tumbles headfirst in.

Take how Stubbs sings the title, trying to find dignity in a soup of “oooh” sounds (“seven ROOOOMS….of GLOOOOOM”) and the gloopily reverent way that the Andantes and Tops sing the harmonies, as if in a haunted house ride’s funeral procession. Even the setting doesn’t work: it’s as if the paranoid apartment dweller of “Shake Me Wake Me (When It’s Over)” has come into some wealth, so now he’s being tormented in a spacious home out in a suburb. Or how the song gears up to a killer chorus but never gets there—it moves in fits and starts, if the drumming is stellar.

“7-Rooms” showed that the “Reach Out” formula had begun to yield diminished returns. H-D-H recalibrated: their next Tops single, “You Keep Running Away,” returns to a “1965” sound. It’s intriguing to consider what they could have done with the Tops with the pop-psychedelic sound of The Supremes’ “Reflections,” the last great H-D-H Motown single. But it wasn’t to be.

There was an epilogue. On an undistinguished 1969 album, Soul Spin, the Tops sang Pam Sawyer and Beatrice Verdi’s “Lost in a Pool of Red.” Sawyer was an English songwriter who had joined Motown in 1967 (she co-wrote “Love Child” and other hits) and Verdi was a go-getter from Jersey City; this was their only collaboration for the label.

From the opening bars (thudding bass drum, ominous strings), we’re back in the psycho-horror world of “Bernadette.” Stubbs wakes up crying, “with chains on my feet!”; his lover is “hung in a corner,” laughing at him. He crawls to the window, boggles at the street twelve stories below. He’s taken some seriously bad acid (“in a room full of friends I was alone on this trip…I’m dying but I ain’t dead!“) and is out of his mind, with the other Tops mocking Stubbs’ words in low, insinuating harmonies (“couldn’t reach, couldn’t reach...by yourself, by yourself“). The bridge is Stubbs screaming help me help me help me!! and apparently plummeting to the street, marked by tom fills and the Andantes and Tops gasping in horror. (There’s a surprise happy ending—the woman talks him down from the ledge.)

A phenomenal track, “Pool of Red” offered a means for the Tops to reinvent themselves, as The Temptations had with “Cloud Nine.” But the group did nothing else in this line for the rest of their days. The Gothic Four Tops died with the Sixties.

Next: The fall of the house of Holland and Dozier; Motown and Detroit totter; Tops adrift in still waters.

For Duke Fakir and Douglas Wolk. Thanks to David Cantwell and Michaelangelo Matos.

Comics, top to bottom. Artists either Jack Kirby/Joe Sinnott/Vince Coletta or Steve Ditko: Fantastic Four No. 50 (May 1966); Fantastic Four No. 51 (June 1966); Amazing Spider-Man No. 33 (February 1966); Fantastic Four No. 49 (April 1966); Strange Tales No. 146 (July 1966): Amazing Spider-Man No. 33 (Feb. 1966); Fantastic Four No. 51 (June 1966).

8. Four Tops (Part One)

DISCOGRAPHY       SOURCES         PLAYLISTS

We Ain’t Just Four People

On a rainy Tuesday noontide in late April 1978, on a long curve of Highway 78 some fifteen miles east of Athens, Georgia, a flatbed trailer truck crosses lanes and plows into a Trailways bus, knocking it down an embankment until it lands in a thicket.

Among those on the bus, Levi Stubbs needs six stitches on his right leg, Abdul “Duke” Fakir and Lawrence Payton are cut and bruised, Renaldo “Obie” Benson has a fractured jaw.

“We thank God that we’re alive,” Stubbs tells an Associated Press reporter, who quotes him as “Stubb.” The Four Tops had played the B&L Warehouse in Athens on Monday night; they had been heading to South Carolina to play a state fair. They cancel a few dates to recover, then get back on the road.

“We’re still in the business,” Payton says.

Ten years later: the winter solstice, 21 December 1988. The Four Tops are in London, asking a Top of the Pops producer to cut them a break.

They’re scheduled for two performances over two days but want to film them back-to-back, so that they can catch an earlier flight to the U.S. They’ve already booked their seats and have told their families. The producer won’t budge. “We begged him to switch our schedules,” Duke Fakir recalled. “We needed to see our loved ones, go shopping, do our Santa Claus thing.” The Tops grudgingly miss their flight. Which is Pan American Flight 103, destroyed that night by terrorist bomb over Lockerbie, Scotland.

“If we’d gotten our way that day, the Tops would have been gone in 1988,” Fakir wrote. “Our epithet would have been down in Lockerbie.”

Any touring group has its near-misses; any career built on flights and overnight bus trips raises the odds. But it’s particularly eerie that the Four Tops, at least twice, nearly died at the same time.

L to R: Payton, Stubbs, Fakir, Benson

The Four Tops, a quartet gifted with the humblest of lead singers. Upon success, it became Diana Ross and The Supremes, Smokey Robinson and The Miracles. It would never be Levi Stubbs and The Four (Three?) Tops. A story goes that Berry Gordy asked Stubbs to star in Gordy’s first produced film, Lady Sings the Blues. Stubbs said he was interested, sure, but what roles would the other Tops get? That’s as far as it went.

“We Tops ain’t just four people,” Obie Benson told the NME in 1967. “We’re a unit. We think the same, we do the same things. I can’t even to imagine us split up. It’ll never happen, man. We love each other.”

A city-state within the Motown empire, the Four Tops released their first single years before Motown’s founding; their last, after Berry Gordy sold his label. They were veterans among amateurs, adults in a dreamworld of ambitious kids. You could write a play about the intrigues of The Supremes. The Temptations had operatic feuds and exiles. Not the Four Tops. They were constancy.

If you caught a Four Tops show at any time over nearly half a century, from the Eisenhower years to the Clinton ones, you saw Levi, Lawrence, Duke, Obie. The same four who sang at high-school parties in Detroit, who worked summer resorts and casinos, who played the Apollo Theater and the Royal Albert Hall, who performed in nightclub suits at Live Aid and did “Bus Stop Song” on Sesame Street. The same voices—two tenors, two baritones—heard on “Reach Out I’ll Be There” and “I Can’t Help Myself” and “Ask the Lonely” and “Ain’t No Woman (Like the One I’ve Got)” and “Baby I Need Your Loving” and “It’s the Same Old Song.”

“They’re the same four guys since they were teenagers,” Mary Wilson said. Death broke them apart at last, but it took some work.

Shake Me, Wake Me (When It’s Over)

“Shake Me, Wake Me (When It’s Over),” from 1966—R&B #5, pop #18—has the grand hysteria of the Tops’ finest performances of the Sixties, their work with the songwriters Brian and Eddie Holland and Lamont Dozier. Despair and longing on a cosmic scale.

A man lies in bed at night, unable to sleep. Through the thin wall, he hears his neighbors gossiping. Alone again, that one, they’re saying. She don’t love him. She gonna leave him. Everyone knows but him. He gets up, he paces, rubbing his hands together; he can’t block out the voices. He knows he’s in a nightmare; he yearns for someone to wake him up. Shake me! But only after the dream ends, because he needs to see how it plays out.

This character, the character that Levi Stubbs portrays in many of the classic Motown Tops singles, is a man consumed by love, riven with the fear of it being stolen away from him, with the fear of love taking him over. Love is a possession, an infiltration. Love has crumbled him down, it’s pegged him too tight. He has nowhere to go and he has nothing left, apart from a magnificent loss that he marvels at, like a Roman tomb. The women of his songs are an abstraction, even holy Bernadette: they stand as representatives of what he longs for and what will never be.

“Shake Me” starts with a pianist, likely Earl Van Dyke, rumbling along the low end of his keyboard, a tremor deepened by James Jamerson’s bass, by the cellar-knock of the kick drum (boom boom…boom boom). A scratch of tambourine. The other Tops are cast as the neighbors behind the wall: She don’t love hih-ih-him! An uneasy riff is taken up on vibraphone and guitar. Jamerson grows restless. A string section makes a ladder to the refrain.

Which shifts to the Motown rhythm, Benny Benjamin or Richard “Pistol” Allen (or both) whacking the snare on each beat in the bar: one!! two!! three!! four!! The Motown insistence. Holland-Dozier-Holland loved to dress their songs of obsession, heartbreak, and fear in it. Their refrain arrangement for “Shake Me” is eight bars of hooks layered upon hooks—the Tops’ “when it’s ohhh-ver” paralleled by trombones holding a low note, sounding as if they’re boring into the earth; the strings adding to the vocal harmonies’ yearnings (the high Gs on “shake!” and “wake!”).

In the bridge, the harmonic rhythm increases (there’s at least one chord change per bar, where the verse has held on one chord and the refrain shifts between two) as the tension lessens. The drums back off, the Tops sing marvelous roller-coaster harmonies. Stubbs has a moment of calm. Strings advance, horns retort. Stage-clearing for the last verse, the peak of the fever.

A key change upward. Stubbs now vaults to hit his high notes. He staggers from room to empty room, tormented by the voices, which sing the chorus against Stubbs’ verse melody, making a running commentary on his collapse:

The song closes in on itself, with no resolution, no daybreak, just Stubbs hollering “wake me somebody!” as he’s dragged under.

Motor City

2217 Macomb St., Detroit, 1950 (buildings leveled by Detroit’s urban renewal/freeway projects)

Ed Sullivan: You’re all from Detroit? You were really born there?
Levi Stubbs: Born and raised, right in Detroit, Michigan.
Sullivan: What part of town?
All Tops: North End!
Duke Fakir: We were all born within two blocks of each other.

The Ed Sullivan Show, 19 February 1967.

It starts, it ends, in Detroit. Much of Motown would abandon the city, heading to Los Angeles—even James Jamerson went west. The Four Tops stayed. They were born there, all of them died there.

Motown is the work of second-generation Detroit migrants, the children of displaced Southerners. Berry Gordy’s parents were from Georgia. So were the fathers of Levi Stubbs and Obie Benson, and Duke Fakir’s mother. Stubbs’ mother was born in South Carolina, Benson’s mother in Texas. Stevie Wonder’s mother was born in Alabama. So were Diana Ross’ parents and Lawrence Payton’s mother and grandmother. Florence Ballard’s family came from Mississippi, as did Mary Wilson’s. Smokey Robinson’s mother was from Tennessee; Marvin Gaye’s father, from Kentucky. Eddie and Brian Holland’s parents were from South Carolina and Georgia; Lamont Dozier’s, from Georgia and Alabama.

Detroit’s Black Bottom in 1951, right before the first wave of demolition (Black Bottom Digital Archive)

There is a kind of minor miracle taking place in Detroit.

Langston Hughes, Chicago Defender, October 1949

They had come from the Jim Crow South to Detroit (the Chicago Defender: “to die from the bite of frost is far more glorious than at the hands of a mob”) in a “flood of the discontented,” as Isabel Wilkerson wrote of them.

From 1920 to 1930, the Black population of Detroit tripled; from 1930 to 1950, it more than doubled. Black migrants were given the dirty jobs, the pitiless jobs: paint spraying and wet sanding at the auto plant foundries and parts manufacturers (“this soon kills a white man,” a Detroit auto factory manager told an economist); domestics, custodians, garbage haulers, ditch diggers. Levi Stubbs Sr. labored at a foundry and died there in 1958. “He worked himself to death,” his son said.

Winder Street, looking east from Hastings Street, “Black Bottom,” Detroit. 25 April 1960 (Detroit Historical Society).

Confined to the city’s narrowest, oldest neighborhoods—the “Black Bottom” along the Detroit River, its commercial district the ironically-named Paradise Valley—the migrants crammed into weathered apartment buildings that had changed little since the Gilded Age. Few rooms had indoor plumbing. Families lived a dozen to an attic. Men slept on pool tables in billiard parlors after hours.

Detroit was a place without airs or philosophy. “Like a feudal city,” the ad man Norman Strouse, who worked for Ford, once said of it. It existed to produce, to refine, to distribute, a place so devoted to manufacture that it had few skyscrapers until the Twenties—the city hadn’t had the time for them, a financier’s indulgence.

It lived on the gargantuan scale. The Packard automobile plant spanning six city blocks on East Grand Boulevard. Dodge Main covering over four million square feet. Miles of cylinder and dye shops, door handle makers and spark plug manufacturers. Miles of pharmaceutical companies, steel mills, appliance makers. Sprawled along the north shore of the Detroit River, with Canada to the south, Detroit fed on what the ships brought it (iron ore from the Upper Peninsula via Lake Huron, coal from Appalachia via Lake Erie) and distributed its wealth by railroad and highway, by its great arterial avenues—Woodward, Gratiot, Grand River, Jefferson—and its checkerboard street grid, whose boulevards were as wide as shipping lanes (to cross West Grand, where Motown set up shop, means getting across six lanes of traffic and a median). Edmund Wilson, who visited in 1931, was awed and appalled. “A simple homogeneous organism which has expanded to enormous size,” he wrote of Detroit. “The streets crawling with cars.”

The war brought even more Black Southerners to Detroit—a thousand arrived by train each week. White Southerners also pouring into the city for jobs saw them as rivals and enemies. There was a horrific clash in the summer of 1943. Duke Fakir was eight then: he stood on his porch at Cameron and Owens on the East Side, seeing “unspeakable acts of violence and brutality…I saw a white guy get his throat slit with a razor…I saw soldiers shoot a Black man out of a tree.”

Downtown Detroit, looking east (the Lodge Freeway underway), 1954 (Tony Spina)

Christened in blood, Detroit’s last economic boom spanned the war years to the mid-Fifties. The unions and automakers were integrated. Blues and jazz musicians worked the line during the day, worked the clubs at night: John Lee Hooker at Chrysler, Yusef Lateef and Earl Van Dyke at Ford. The now-integrated public schools were staffed with gifted music teachers. The Grinnell Brothers Music House on Woodward Ave. sold pianos to generations of aspiring musicians.

Within this window of (relative) mass prosperity, Motown and the Four Tops came into being. “It was a miracle,” Smokey Robinson recalled in 1980. “How we were all born in Detroit in the same neighborhood, got together in high school, and started singing. It’s a miracle how we met Berry Gordy…In my neighborhood you were either in a group or a gang, or both.”

The Kid from Cardboard Valley

The Stubbs family (Levi, age 3) of 7982 Russell Street, Detroit, in the 1940 U.S. Census

I was good at nothing else. It was either [music] or jump off a barn on somebody.

Levi Stubbs

Levi Stubbs Jr. was born in Detroit in June 1936. His family lived on Russell Street (a block away from Obie Benson’s family), but by the mid-Forties they were in a housing development on Dequindre Avenue, near Six Mile Road. The development, called “Cardboard Valley” due to the thinness of its walls, was tacked up to house workers during the war, one of the few projects at the time to take Black residents.

Across the street at 14503 Dequindre was the John family, whose children included Willie and his older sister Mable (who’d later record for Motown). Stubbs and Little Willie John, born a year apart, became fast friends and neighborhood scamps. A favorite trick was for John to knock on a door, ask the woman who answered if she wanted to hear him sing, and while John performed, Stubbs would plunder the garden: cherry trees were a favorite target.

They were always at each other’s houses or that of their friend Jackie Wilson, “singing and carrying on,” recalled Freda Hood, Wilson’s wife. Three of the greatest postwar singers, Little Willie John, Levi Stubbs, and Jackie Wilson, not only lived near each other but were rivals at weekly singing competitions held at the Warfield Theatre and the Paradise. “It’s not a question of trying to outperform each other, it’s a matter of doing what you do,” Stubbs said. The trio developed a system in which one took the occasional night off so that each got his share of prizes. “Jack…would win sometimes and then they would let Levi Stubbs and his people win the next time,” Hood said. Stubbs amassed a dresser drawer full of wristwatches, a common reward for a win.

By the early Fifties, Stubbs was hustling for work as a nightclub singer, once guesting with Lucky Millinder’s band; he was in a doo-wop group called The Royals for a time. And he was a student at Pershing High, a three-story Art Deco building in the Conant Gardens neighborhood. There he met Duke Fakir, who first saw Stubbs playing stickball on a North End street.

Fakir, a transfer student from Northern High, also had switched allegiance in street gangs. He was now running with a Conant Gardens crew, the Gigolos. Word got out that Fakir and his brother had been in a North End gang, the Shakers, and the Gigolos, evidently considering this to be traitorous, ambushed the Fakirs while they were leaving a party. Stubbs was there as well. Seeing one Gigolo about to gouge into Duke’s face with a broken Coke bottle, he told the assailant to hold back. “Just fight him. Beat him up. Don’t do that.”

The Shakers came to the North End for retribution. Stubbs walked out of a restaurant to be set upon by the gang, with a Shaker named “Two Knives” Penniman eager to use his namesake. It was Fakir’s turn to step in, telling Penniman to leave Stubbs alone, that he was a civilian. “Levi stood apart from everything, always on the fence, keeping his distance from violence and gang wars,” as Fakir later said.

By junior year at Pershing High, Stubbs had moved in with the Fakirs, sharing a basement room with Duke. “Saving each other’s life made us real tight,” Fakir said.

The Sitarist’s Son

The Fakirs (Abdul, age 4) of 1204 Alger Street, Detroit, in the 1940 Census

Abdul “Duke” Fakir, born in December 1935, was the son of Nazim Fakir, a singer and sitar player born in then-East India (now Bangladesh). Nazim had moved to London, where he was a cook, then made his way to Windsor, Canada, and swam across the river to Detroit, where he found work at a Briggs Manufacturing plant.

Standing outside a pool hall, Nazim saw Rubyleon Eckridge pass by. She was a preacher’s daughter from Sparta, Georgia. They started talking, started dating, got married, moved into a house on Alger Street, and had six children. Ruby was a devout Christian who played piano and ran the choir at her father’s church, Oak Grove NME; Nazim was a Muslim who balked at her conversion efforts. He once showed up at Oak Grove in a rage: “Get my kids out of there! Jesus Christ my ass!” The marriage didn’t last.

Duke sang in Oak Grove choirs but was more drawn to what he heard on the street. “Music began creeping in slowly and taking over. How could it not?” he wrote in his memoir. “Everyone in Detroit was caught up in the rhythm…it was in the air; it was on the street corner, in your church…drifting out of houses…even the assembly lines in the automotive plants hummed in unison.” He sang in five or six different groups, “just messing around until Levi and I became close.”

Duke Fakir, 2nd from left, bottom row; Pershing High yearbook, 1954

Fakir, whenever he recounts Stubbs, has an element of awe in his storytelling. He once claimed that Stubbs outran the Michigan state champion in the 100-yard dash. It was as if Stubbs was so gifted that he could have branched into any venture and prospered, that he could have founded a stock brokerage or broken a land speed record. But as Fakir recalled Stubbs telling him in high school, “Man, all I want to do is sing.”

It was 1954, their senior year at Pershing, and Fakir got an athletic scholarship to Central State in Ohio. He needed some money before he left. Stubbs heard that a man in Toledo wanted to put a singing group together for an out-of-state gig. Way out of state: a country club in Littleton, Colorado. Stubbs and Fakir were hired to back “some guy who had just gotten out of prison and may have been [the promoter’s] boyfriend,” Fakir recalled. The show was a disaster: the lead singer couldn’t hit a note and furthered his shortcomings by being a lump on stage. The group got thrown out of the club and Fakir and Stubbs took a bus home, humiliated. “It was hard to admit…that our first professional job had been singing with an amateur ex-convict whose lover had hired us to get his career going.”

The next gig, a few weeks later, held more promise. At Pershing High, the ruling clique of Black girls was called the Scheherazades (prerequisites for membership, as per Fakir, was “looking good and being bougie”). They were throwing a graduation party at the basement of one member, who asked Stubbs and Fakir to sing. “For some reason we thought a group would be better,” Fakir said.

Two kids from rival Northern High came to mind. They knew Lawrence Payton already (he was related, on his father’s side, to Stubbs’ mother)—he was “good at harmony, came from a singing family, and he looked great.” Payton recommended his friend Renaldo Benson. He was handsome and could sing: good enough. Fakir noted that the four of them were about the same height: also good. Stubbs and Fakir gave Payton and Benson the sell. The party would be filled with good-looking girls and all they had to do was sing a few numbers. Everyone was in.

The Northerners

Family of Renaldo Benson (age 3), 8765 Russell Street; 1940 Census

Now the area where we were raised is a freeway with no exits…you used to hear singing everywhere.

Obie Benson, 1966

Stubbs once called Renaldo “Obie” Benson “our little sunsport.” Benson would be the genial ambassador of the Tops, “the most happy-go-lucky guy you’d ever want to meet,” Fakir said of him (except when he was drinking, when “you wouldn’t want to be around him”). If the Tops needed to get on the right side of a promoter or radio programmer, Benson broke the ice. “Folks would just open up to him,” Fakir marveled. “He would take them to the bar, have a drink, sit down, telling jokes and getting them loose as a goose. Then he’d come to me and say, ‘Duke, he’s ready’.”

Singing “helped me become an upright citizen,” Benson told an English reporter in the Sixties. “Where I lived when I was a kid was a bit like a ghetto—streets of old houses, poor people crammed together in small rooms…All around me I could see the kind of person I didn’t want to be, so it was like taking medicine to make sure I didn’t end up that way.”

He played semi-pro basketball, studied to be an architectural engineer (“my head was full of theory about strain and stress”), played trombone and cello. And he sang in a “part-time outfit” with his friend Lawrence Payton. “I don’t really remember what we called ourselves. The Morals, I think—heaven knows why.”

He had a smooth baritone that sounded like Nat “King” Cole’s. “Everyone in Detroit at that age was singing,” Benson told Sepia in 1973. “The way you got popular at the parties was to go join a group and ‘ooo-aaa’ your way through it. That’s the way you kept from getting kicked in them fights.” After all, “the fights didn’t involve the singers.”

Family of Lawrence Payton (“Peyton”) (age 2), 529 Theodore St., Detroit, 1940 Census

I’m the introvert in the Four Tops. Renaldo and Levi are the extroverts. I like contemporary satire in my humor, and I play golf and paint in oils. I like the music of Billy Eckstine and Sarah Vaughan, and I have business interests like real estate. This is the insurance for my future.

Lawrence Payton, 1967.

Lawrence Payton, who was rarely asked about his early life, once said that “I owe a lot to my church upbringing. My family always sang in the church choir. We were devout and I remember when I was very young singing ‘Wings Over Jordan,’ things like that.”

He was raised by his grandmother, Amelia Lee, with two brothers and a cousin in a house on 557 King Street. Another cousin, Roquel “Billy” Davis, who would be the Tops’ first manager, recalled seeing Payton, around age eleven, sitting in a corner watching a doo-wop group rehearse, “always listening and humming to himself. He’d tell me about a note being sharp or flat.”‘

Payton, the most reserved member of the Four Tops, was their architect. He came up with their vocal harmonies and arrangements. Lamont Dozier called him a genius. Payton “had a musical ear like a composer,” Fakir said, thanks to his upbringing. “We’d walk by Lawrence’s house and his uncles would be sitting on the porch all day, playing guitar and singing.” And he was a credible rival to Stubbs as the group’s lead singer—he had a warm, supple tenor that was, to some producers’ ears, more commercially viable than Stubbs’ baritone. Payton’s gift to the Tops was that rather than contest Stubbs’ dominance, he would devote his Sixties to the embellishment of Stubbs’ voice.

How the Party Went

Pershing High yearbook, 1953

A packed basement full of high school seniors. The record player blasting The Clovers and Ruth Brown. Needle scratch. Joanne Artist, who had invited Stubbs and Fakir to sing, introduces them. They pull together their group, summoning Benson and Payton from the crowd.

“Up to that point we hadn’t even thought about what we were going to perform,” Fakir wrote, over sixty years later. “We all knew that Levi could sing and whatever he came up with, we’d just improvise and get by.” Stubbs suggests “I’m Gonna Sit Right Down and Cry Over You,” a recent hit by Roy Hamilton. Payton breaks it down: Duke, you take the top notes, I’ve got the middle, Obie on the bottom. Let Levi sing the first verse alone, then we come in together. They sing a lush three-part harmony. “Our voices blended together so well even Levi glanced over at us, [saying] ‘Motherfuck!”…he just sang the shit out of that song and we kept adding different harmony phrases,” Fakir wrote. “Lawrence would lead out high and we just picked up on it right away. The girls were screaming…It was as if we’d been rehearsing for two weeks.”

The next day, they started proper rehearsals, learning a dozen songs, some by the Four Freshman, The Orioles, Ray Charles. Their first “public” performance was a competition at the Warfield Theater on Hastings Street. On one song they “segued into a shout chorus with a four-part harmony like a trumpet section,” Fakir wrote.

The idea was that they’d sing for the summer, make some money, have an adventure in the clubs, then go off to school. Fakir and Benson had scholarships. “When I was at school, I wanted to be a surgeon,” Stubbs said in 1967. “Then the Tops happened, and those ideas kind of fell apart.” As Fakir said: “Once we hit that stage, we knew we were not going to college.”

How the Four Tops Sang

Interviewed by Goldmine in 1995, Billy Davis talked about the Tops’ sound:

Lawrence has great ears; he can hear chords…Duke has an unusual tenor. He can go up there and almost sound like a girl. Obie is the baritone, the anchor. He rounds out the middle of the sound. He makes the rest of the voices blend. Lawrence could actually sing lower than Obie, but they didn’t have the typical bass of doo-wop…their harmony was very close to white groups like the Four Freshmen and the Hi-Lo’s. That sound was not as popular in the black community as doo-wop groups, but it required more singing ability.

Fakir, in his memoir:

It’s not just the one, three and five notes of a chord scale, which is a normal three-part harmony. It’s one, three, five and part of seven and sometimes nine. It’s the fourth note that makes it…You can move up and down along with the melody note and make four parts. Lawrence got that knowledge from listening to string sessions. He fashioned our voices after that.

Payton could hear a big-band performance once and break it down to every constituent part. He’d arrange the Tops’ voices as if they were strings or brass (Fakir said his lines were “almost like a trumpet part”) and sing each line to its performer. “There was no lead back then on some songs,” Fakir wrote. “It was just a four-part harmony straight through.” Because Stubbs, while his voice cut through like a saber, “loved singing harmony just as much. He could back off from singing and blend right in as the fourth voice like a choirboy.”

A fine example: any peak performance of “Ain’t No Woman (Like the One I’ve Got).” As he did at their Scheherazade party debut, Stubbs starts alone, the other Tops gliding in after him. Payton takes a solo line, soulful and aggressive (“oh they don’t come bet-tah!”). Benson, low and sinuous (“she don’t ask for things, no diamond rings”). Fakir, high and gentle (“like pages in a let-tah”). Then they blend together again, a card shuffle.

Four Aims

They became professional singers by degrees, taking the next gig, then the next one. “The booking agents kept booking us and we just kept on working,” Fakir recalled in 1983.

Choosing for a name the Four Aims (as in, aiming for the top), the group got an agent, a Detroit slicker named Twas. His agency was called Twas & Casablanca, the latter being the agency’s silent partner and financier, a pimp who owned an after-hours bar.

Twas got the Aims a three-night stint in Flint, Michigan, at Eddie’s Lounge, a club across the street from a Buick plant. A $200 booking fee, less Twas & Casablanca’s ten percent, less the $50 Twas had lent them for new suits. They opened for a shake dancer named Tequila Wallace. The Aims sang Hank Ballard’s “Work with Me Annie” (start out raw), moved on to “September in the Rain” and “How Deep Is the Ocean” (smooth it out). Stubbs, who had been singing since childhood, was an assured frontman. The crowd loved it. Benson, backstage afterward, sat with a smile. “Shit. We can make money. We’re as good as anybody out there.”

Aaron “Little Sonny” Willis and John Lee Hooker, in front of Joe’s Record Shop, 3530 Hastings Street, Detroit, 1959 (Jacques Demetre). Much of the street would be plowed over to build Interstate 75 the following year. Joe’s moved to 8434 Twelfth Street; it was destroyed in the 1967 riots.

Well, almost. When the Aims went South for the first time, playing the Royal Peacock in Atlanta, they had to follow James Brown on stage.

As the Aims watched from the dressing room stairs in growing horror, Brown opened full-tilt and worked the audience into frenzy after frenzy, for over a half-hour. “All we could do is look at each other thinking, how the fuck we gone follow this?,” Fakir wrote.

“We can’t out-funk him. We can’t out-dance him. We can’t out-holler him,” Stubbs said. “But we can out-sing this motherfucker. So we just gonna go up there and sing…Come out there singing and looking debonair and just sing to the ladies. That’s all we can do. That’s us.” They asked for a longer intermission than the norm, to let the audience cool down. Then they strode on stage in their matching wool suits, singing Nat Cole’s “This Can’t Be Love,” with Benson on lead. They sang to the ladies, they did four-part harmonies, Stubbs took a spotlight turn on “How Deep Is the Ocean.” They got through.

That’s us, Stubbs had said. From the start, they knew they weren’t going to be the Midnighters or Clovers, “who sang to Black people and in Black venues exclusively,” Fakir wrote. They wanted to be among the few Black harmony groups to cross over to white audiences, to be the next Mills Brothers, Ink Spots, or Platters, to be better than them. “We weren’t trying not to be Black, we were just trying to be as good as any group in the business,” Fakir wrote. They changed their name to the Four Tops, allegedly because “Four Aims” sounded like the four Ames Brothers were on the bill. The Tops better suited them. They weren’t just aiming.

Kansas City Star, 30 December 1955. As the summer ’55 Chateau singles were credited to the Four Tops but “Aims” is still used here, this suggests a period where the group fluctuated between names, perhaps retaining “Aims” in clubs they’d played before. The Chess session of April 1956 is, per Duke Fakir, when they permanently became “Tops.”

They’d have some current “funk” (whatever was a big R&B hit at the time, like “All Around the World” or “What’d I Say”) to sprinkle in with the jazz standards and Broadway ballads that were becoming the meat of the group’s repertoire. By 1955, they had a name in Detroit, playing the Roosevelt Lounge, the just-opened Rage Show Bar on West Davison, and the Flame Show Bar (where the Gordy sisters ran the photo concessions). The Flame Show’s bandleader, Maurice King, was producing singles for a new label, Chateau, and asked the Tops to do backing vocals.

The earliest recordings of the Tops are them on harmonies for a pair of June 1955 Chateau singles (apparently the label’s sole releases) by two local singers—Caroline Hayes and, from across the river in Windsor, Dolores Carroll. The Hayes single is the keeper, as the Tops liven up the A-side “Really”‘s boilerplate mid-Fifties R&B with a “she means REAL-LY!” hook and make wild retorts to the saxophone solo.

Very likely the first appearance of the Four Tops in print (Billboard, 14 May 1955)

After playing the Detroit Auto Show, the Tops were approached by a man named Arthur “Daddy” Braggs. He ran a summer resort called Idlewild, some two hundred miles north of Detroit, on the Lake Michigan side. Established in the 1910s as a Black vacation colony (some white couples had to be recruited to buy the land for it), Idlewild was 2,000 isolated acres, complete with a hotel, post office, grocery store, church, and a set of nightclubs.

Braggs booked the Tops for the Idlewild Revue. They would open for Della Reese and Brook Benton, be paired with the Ziggy Johnson Dancers and sing numbers like “It’s No Business Like Show Business” to an interracial bourgeois audience from all points in Michigan. For the Tops it was two months of heaven. Lakes, cabins, buffets, after-hours bar crawls. Most of all, the Ziggy Johnson girls. Each Top started dating a dancer; three of the four couples would marry. Duke and Inez Fakir had a troubled pairing. Obie and Valaida Benson would co-write Four Tops songs. Levi and Clineice Stubbs would stay together until his death in 2008.

L to R: Clineice Stubbs, Darylnn and Little Willie John, Mildred and Mable John, Levi Stubbs (ca. 1957)

Chess Match

In early 1956, Billy Davis, the Tops’ de facto manager (Twas & Casablanca were still handling some bookings), was also a working songwriter. He’d begun collaborating with ex-record store owner and man-about-town Berry Gordy, and Gordy’s sister Gwen (they’d place “Reet Petite” with Jackie Wilson and follow it up with “Lonely Teardrops”). He also was writing pieces for the Tops, and sent demos to Chess Records in Chicago.

Chess wanted his songs, not so much his group. The label had enough vocal harmony acts. So they struck a deal. Chess would release a Tops single, of two Davis compositions, and Davis would write pieces for Chess acts The Flamingos and Moonglows.

In Chicago, on 4 April 1956, the Tops cut their first proper single, “Could It Be You” and “Kiss Me Baby.” Payton took over the arrangements, with the Chess brothers happy to let him do the work. It was “the first time I really stretched out doing backgrounds and putting the session together,” Payton said. “Could It Be You” has a bright swagger and charm, with an assured, insistent Stubbs (“every minute of the hour and every hour of the day and every day of the week…”) and an exuberant Tops backing his plays. But Davis’ song is a goulash of contemporary R&B, to the point of throwing in Lucille and Maybellene—its structure is cludgy and its hooks aren’t enough. “Kiss Me Baby”, the closest that Stubbs ever came to Little Richard’s sound, was also a blast (“Adam and Eve they did the rock and roll!”) and no closer to being a hit.

Their unreleased (at the time) work for Chess, a group of mostly-Davis-penned songs they cut around the same time as the single, is solid second-rate R&B, full of inspired vocal runs: see “Country Girl,” with its “no mon’ no fun no mon’ no fun!” hook; the refrains of “Woke Up This Morning”: “ohhhhhh bay-bee—I’m all alohhhhne”; the vocal sparring on “I Wish You Would.” Payton uses the same Broadway ending for nearly all of them (“sat-is-FIIIIIED!” “it’s mis-er-EEEE!” “wish you WOUUUULLLLD”).

“It didn’t sell a thing,” Fakir wrote of their debut single. “We didn’t really have a deal with Chess, so that was the end of that.”

The Grind

Tops in a Flame Show preview in the Detroit Free Press, 11 September 1959

The Tops weren’t too bothered by having a flop. Their livelihood depended on honing their live act, getting into bigger rooms, getting bigger fees. After all, the Mills Brothers weren’t hitting the Top 40 anymore but still sold out theaters. “We still believed we were as good as the Mills Brothers,” Fakir said. “We could sing the kind of songs that people love to hear in showrooms, supper clubs, dance halls.” Their repertoire kept growing. They could learn a new song in half a day, complete with a fresh Payton arrangement.

They played Idlewild in the summers, were regulars at the Flame Show Bar and other Detroit clubs, did strings of one-nighters in the South (“a lot of times we didn’t get paid,” Davis recalled. One of their road crew got beaten up by white thugs so badly that he needed a metal plate in his head.) “We weren’t setting the world on fire,” Stubbs told the Baltimore Sun. “We sometimes only ate two meals a day. Often our supper was a pound of ham, split on four rolls.” Payton recalled a dinner one night in Cleveland that consisted of a couple cans of sardines and a bottle of grapefruit juice (“when each cat had finished drinking from it, that was his lot.”) They wore out their suits and drove cars “old enough to be entered into antique shows,” Fakir said.

They tried to goose their luck by moving to New York City at the end of the decade, taking a tiny apartment on 59th Street with one Murphy bed (the Tops flipped coins each night to decide who got it). In the months they couldn’t make rent, they relied on Benson charming their landlady. They rushed the stage at Birdland during an Erroll Garner show, jumping up to sing when Garner was taking a break. This got them a new agent, who booked them for Catskills resort dates.

The next gig, then the next. The Palm Springs Supper Club. The Eastwood Country Club, in San Antonio. A short-lived Broadway production in which the Tops sang arias with professional opera singers (“holding our own,” Fakir boasted). The Apollo Theater, where they opened with self-penned intro “We’re The Tops” (“the places we’d like to go!” they sang. “Paris! Hollywood’s the place for me!”). They opened for Louis Jordan at the Howard in Washington D.C., for Ruth Brown at the 20 Grand in Detroit, for Sam Cooke at the Graystone Ballroom.

They drove west, all Tops packed into Stubbs’ battered Dodge with its broken reverse gear, to play the Dunes in Las Vegas. After the gig Fakir gambled away the group’s payroll, along with that of the musicians they’d hired to back them. “They all forgave me,” he wrote of the stiffed musicians, whom he eventually repaid. “I don’t know how. I probably would have kicked my own ass.”

In the midst of this, they cut another single, this time for Columbia (John Hammond liked their stage act and produced the session, a year before he’d produce Bob Dylan’s debut album). Issued to complete indifference in summer 1960, it was a drip of a song, “Lonely Summer.” Its terrific Stubbs-penned B-side “Ain’t That Love”, however, was the future: Stubbs testifying while the other Tops bob and weave around him.

Mr. Eckstine

The last Idlewild Revue burned down while touring Boston in 1961: a fire destroyed all the costumes and props. Afterward “Daddy” Braggs told the Tops and the rest of the Revue that he was done with show business, and got into horse racing.

One benefactor exits, another enters. The Tops were soon recruited by Billy Eckstine to be his backing singers.

Eckstine grew up in Pittsburgh and started out singing and playing trumpet with Earl Hines. Eckstine’s first big band in 1944 was the great foundational be-bop orchestra—its players included Dexter Gordon, Art Blakey, Sonny Stitt, Dizzy Gillespie, Fats Navarro, Gene Ammons. In the late Forties, he moved into a smoother pop sound, filling more seats than Sinatra. He had hits, he had debonair looks, he had girls crazy about him. A photograph of one hugging him in an April 1950 issue of LIFE gave readers convulsions. “The most nauseating picture of the year,” one wrote in. “That picture of Billy Eckstine with a white girl clinging to him after a performance turns my stomach,” another moaned. Friends like Tony Bennett thought Eckstine’s commercial appeal among white audiences never quite recovered from it.

LIFE, 24 April 1950. Martha Holmes’ photo of Eckstine.

Eckstine saw the Tops in Vegas in 1959, and two years later brought them out to LA, saying he needed a four-part harmony act to recreate his latest records on stage. The Tops learned every song on his recent LPs. At the audition, he told them to do one they’d never heard before. In the bathroom, Payton taught the group a verse and chorus in ten minutes. “We had developed an ear by then from working with Lawrence,” Fakir wrote. “We could pick up a four-part close harmony almost as well as he could, though Lawrence could always hear it first.” The Tops came out and aced the song, with Eckstine sitting in awe, cracking up. “Y’all are some singing motherfuckers, baby!” He hired them for $800 a week.

He sanded their edges. Eckstine taught them how to walk on stage as if they’d built it, how to leave it like departing kings. After each show, he’d sit with them and point out what they did well and what they should improve. He taught Payton to use dissonance instead of tonic notes to end phrases—tease the audience, he said, stir them up, make them yearn for a resolution that you are going to give them, but in due time. He told the Tops they were going flat because they were jumping around so much. “I hired y’all to sing, not to be dancing around my fucking stage!”

And they watched him each night from upstage. How he flattered his crowds, baited them, seduced them, spoke their desires. “Just watching him perform was an education all by itself,” Benson said. By 1962, Eckstine’s work was done. All he’d wanted, Eckstine once told them, was to get them to where they’d never be anyone’s backing singers again. He also told them that every performer will wake up one day to find that no one wants to hear them anymore. “After the big parade, it gets quiet as a mouse,” he said. “You have to be ready for that.”

Clean as Hell

Arizona Daily Star, 22 October 1961

The best looking and the best dressed were the Four Tops, who were a conspicuous exception to the off-the-rack way of living…They were the kind of dudes who came to the show in a suit clean as hell and wouldn’t leave afterward until they put on a fresh suit. There could be girls six deep waiting outside the stage door. They didn’t give a fuck. They would take their time to look fine.

George Clinton, on his time in Detroit

An article in the Arizona Daily Star in October 1961 gives a rare glimpse of the Eckstine-era Tops. The review, of their residency at the Skyroom in Tuscon, notes them opening with “When You’re Smiling.” Benson sings his standard piece, “This Can’t Be Love,” and solos on “My Foolish Heart” and “It Might As Well Be Spring.” The group makes “an apologetic dig at rock and roll.” They sing “Paper Doll” and “One Hundred Pounds of Clay,” and close with “Old Man River.”

The pieces began to shift into place. In the summer of 1962 the Tops were doing some Catskills dates, one of which was seen by a TV talent scout. On 25 September, they sang “In the Still of the Night” on the Tonight Show. Watching was Berry Gordy and his friend/co-producer Mickey Stevenson. “I always liked the Tops,” Gordy told Stevenson. “I love them singing those old standards. I don’t have anybody singing in my stable like that.” Stevenson put the word out to the Tops: Berry wants you bad.

They were getting tired of the road, of hustling for second-rate spots. They’d seen Jackie Wilson turn to the bottle to get through countless one-night stands. They’d had enough of labels whose one-off singles (most recently Riverside, for whom they did an inspired uptempo Payton adaptation of “Pennies from Heaven”) went nowhere. What were they doing recording in New York when there was this new Black-owned Detroit label? That was getting number one pop singles now, not just R&B.

“We were poor and we were frustrated,” Fakir recalled. “Berry promised us hits.”

Motown

Hitsville and its proprietor, winter 1965

Your family is a football team

Iggy Pop, “Dancing with the Big Boys”

James Thomas Gordy, descendant of Scotch-Irish colonials who settled in Georgia, had a granddaughter named Bessie Lillian Gordy Carter, “Miss Lillian,” best remembered as the mother of Jimmy Carter.

James Thomas Gordy also sired a son with his slave, Esther Johnson: Berry Gordy I, who, after the Civil War, became the largest Black landholder in Washington County, Georgia. His son, Berry Gordy Sr., sold a load of timber stumps from the family farm for $2,600. As this was a dangerous amount of money for a Black man to have obtained in Georgia in the early Twenties, Gordy Sr. went to Detroit, where his brother had moved, and his family soon joined him. His seventh child, Berry Gordy Jr., was born in Detroit on Thanksgiving Day, 1929.

The founder of Motown and the thirty-ninth president of the United States are great-grandsons of the same Georgian slaveholder. Whatever else can be said about this story, it’s a very American one.

There was a real competitive spirit among the people in Detroit, a determination to just survive. Pop didn’t want to make cars. He wanted his own business.

Berry Gordy Jr.

In Detroit, Gordy Sr. opened a carpentry shop, a grocery store (which he named after Booker T. Washington), and a print shop, side-by-side near the corner of Farnsworth and St. Antoine—the Gordys lived above their shops. His wife Bertha went to Wayne State University to study retail management.

Gordy (to make it easier, we’ll refer to Berry Gordy Jr. in the rest of this piece by his last name) was a restless child of a prosperous family, one who determines that everyday life and work won’t do for them, and who has access to enough family capital to attempt something more colorful. Today we get an FTX Trading out of this scenario; at least in Gordy’s case, we got a record label that put out “Dancing in the Street” and “Let’s Get It On.”

He thought to make a name as a boxer, having seventeen (some say nineteen) bouts in the late Forties. In 1950, he had an epiphany when looking at two posters tacked up next to each other on a wall: one was for an upcoming fight, the other for an upcoming concert by Stan Kenton and Duke Ellington. Gordy went with music, and put down his gloves.

He was drafted into the Korean War (“a total disruption to my focus and goals,” as per his autobiography); upon his return to Detroit in 1953, he opened a record store, the 3-D Mart, on the same block as the other Gordy enterprises. He sold jazz records (“to me, jazz was the only pure art form”), only to find his customers wanted to hear electric blues and R&B. He tried to adjust to popular taste but “the store was too far in debt to turn things around,” he said. It closed in 1955.

After a brief spell at a Ford foundry (“hell, a living nightmare”), Gordy got a job on the line at a Lincoln-Mercury plant in Wayne, fastening upholstery and chrome tips. There was “a pleasing simplicity to how everyone did the same thing over and over again,” he thought. He wrote songs while he worked, and after two years at the plant, he quit to go full-time as a composer. “I was back to being a bum—but a happy one.” The first of his marriages failed.

In 1957 he wrote by day and flickered around nightclubs in the evening, a regular at the Frolic Show Bar, the Chesterfield Lounge, the Flame Show. At the latter, his sisters Gwen and Anna introduced him to a club owner looking for material for his publishing company. Working with his sister Esther and Billy Davis, Gordy struck gold with “Reet Petite.” His first production job came soon afterward—the answer record “Got a Job” by The Miracles, a group of Northern High kids led by William “Smokey” Robinson. Gordy recorded them in his sister Loucye’s basement.

Anna Gordy wanted to get into the music business and asked her brother to join her, but “I didn’t want partners,” Gordy wrote. “I would be happier just being my myself.” He needed a thousand dollars to make a record of local singer Marv Johnson doing a Gordy composition, “Come to Me.” The Gordys called a meeting of the family cooperative and voted to lend him $800, with Gordy signing a note pledging all earnings on the single to the cooperative until the debt was paid.

He cut “Come to Me” at the storied Detroit studio United Sound: he pushed up Johnson, the bass, and drums in the mix and released it as Tamla 101 in January 1959. Not wanting to pay for studio time, he decided to build his own, in a house he bought on West Grand Boulevard. The studio was in the garage: his father and brother did the plastering and soundproofing. The vocal booth was a squared-off piece of hallway between the control room and the stairs. The echo chamber was the downstairs bathroom. Upstairs was the booking office (his sister Esther). Downstairs was publishing (his second wife Raynoma, who also sang, arranged tracks, and played an early synthesizer called the Ondioline).

James Jamerson in Studio A, ca. 1967 (uncredited phog.)

He called it Hitsville, and what would be its Studio A would never change to fit the times. Bob Dylan visited Motown while in Detroit in 1965, and asked Lamont Dozier “where does that sound come from, man?” When shown Studio A, Dylan said “no, I mean the real room, man, where you guys cut all those hit songs.” Dozier said Dylan “almost looked disappointed.”

One of the first tracks cut there came out of a long rehearsal,  a “house party” to get the studio warmed up. Gordy stood in the middle of the room, “arranging as I went along,” conducting musicians. Barrett Strong sang it, a tune that he co-wrote with Gordy and Janie Bradford (though Strong battled Gordy for his share of the credit over many decades). “Money” was the first great Motown record, which still startles with its power sixty-five years later. Strong’s piano is as vicious as his singing; the guitar sounds criminal, the toms colossal; the backing singers are a war council.

Gordy’s sister’s company Anna picked it up, licensed it to Chess, who gave it national distribution. It hit #2 on the national R&B charts and #23 pop. Gordy felt whittled down. You bought “Money” at Woolworth’s for seventy-five cents. Woolworth’s got its cut. And the distributor. And Chess. And Anna. And he’d had to pay a studio to make it. “I was the furthest away from the money.” Simplify it, he thought. Make the record in-house, keep the publishing in-house, keep the management in-house, make deals with independent distributors for each region of the country, and get enough of a reputation that you could lean on any distributor who was stiffing you (an eternal problem for the indie label). Once Gordy hired Barney Ales from Warner Brothers’ Detroit office to be his national sales and promotion manager, that’s what Motown did. Ales was white, as were most of the men whom he hired to sell Motown in the Sixties. Gordy was fine with it. If some distributor in Raleigh will only take Motown records from a white face, you give him one. He’s paying a Black man money.

His A&R head Mickey Stevenson built Gordy a studio band, recruiting players from “the seediest of bars and hangouts” in Detroit. Many were veteran jazz and R&B players weary from the road, middle-aged family men who wanted an “office” job. One by one, they moved into Hitsville. The genius bassist James Jamerson, who played his flurries of notes with one hooked finger. Benny “Papa” Benjamin, an exuberance on drums. The percussionist Eddie “Bongo” Brown. Woodwind man Thomas “Beans” Bowles, who in his spare time wrote lead sheets for a struggling Canadian folkie living on West Ferry Street, Joni Mitchell. Earl Van Dyke, ace bandleader and pianist. 

Gordy stood in his studio and directed them as if he was John Ford on set. He’d extend his arms: “I want to stay between here” (left hand, boundary mark of too-smooth) “and here” (right hand, beyond which lay anarchic funk/jazz).

Berry and Raynoma Gordy, ca. 1961

We don’t go for dilly dilly gum gum type lyrics…I don’t like to call it black music. I call it music with black stars.
Gordy, interviewed by the Detroit News, February 1960.

Every six or nine months, he got a hit that paid the bills. The Miracles’ “Shop Around.” The Marvelettes, led by the brilliant singer Gladys Horton, with “Please Mr. Postman” and “Beechwood 4-5789.” Mary Wells, wry elegance, with “The One Who Really Loves You” and “You Beat Me to the Punch.” Marvin Gaye, an eccentric Adonis who had to be cajoled into recording “Stubborn Kind of Fellow.” The blind twelve-year-old prodigy Stevie Wonder, with his pop incendiary device “Fingertips Pt. 2.” The gleefully vulgar Contours, with “Do You Love Me.”

Gordy saw the value in developing a catalog, the Motown brand, with a line of products ranging from luxury models (Wells, Gaye) to econo-class. But it was a hit-or-miss effort in its first years. Gordy veered into country, jazz, gospel, blues (the latter two mostly to capitalize on local Detroit fanbases). One of his great chimeras was trying to land a middle-of-the-road white pop crooner, an Eddie Fisher or Patti Page type, which led him down strange avenues (see the former child star Bobby Breen’s ill-fated year at Motown).

Some acts he soon discarded (like Mable John), others Gordy kept on with, trying song after song with them. The Temptations, a quintet of Southern migrants, all of whom could sing lead (“two pairs of friends and one outsider [David Ruffin] with his own agenda,” Nelson George wrote of them). And three teenage girls from the Brewster-Douglass projects, who hung around Motown until Gordy started letting them make records. “Motown was the club everyone wanted to join,” one of them, Mary Wilson, later said. “It was just cool, you know. If you’re sixteen, cool is the meaning of life itself.”

Gordy created International Talent Management Inc. (ITMI) which, for ten percent of an artist’s earnings, would promote them and make their bookings. Esther Gordy ran it. An ideal Motown artist was a teenager who signed her management to ITMI, her publishing to Jobete (Gordy’s company), and signed the standard seven-year Motown contract that would, among many things, cover her expenses by deducting them from future royalties earned. Said expenses would include the complete costs of making her recordings, including all producer fees. She would have no way of knowing how much her records actually earned or sold, as Motown didn’t certify them with the RIAA. If it was a big enough hit on the charts, they’d spray-paint a record gold and hand it to you.

When Motown began to founder late in the Sixties, “Beans” Bowles said one reason was that Gordy “didn’t know when to stop treating people like kids.”

A Brief Summary of Every Motown Single Released Between January 1959 and July 1964

Fascinating Rhythmists: Tops at Motown, Take One

Gordy offered the Four Tops a contract, they asked to take it home to read it at length, and he protested. That wasn’t the Motown way. The Motown way was, as Lamont Dozier described his initiation to the company: “I didn’t know any better, so I just signed whatever was put in front of me. In those days, Motown was famous for not letting you take the contracts out of their offices to get reviewed by a lawyer. Not that I would have known where to find a lawyer or where to get the money to pay one.”

For the Tops, Gordy relented, recalling that “they took the contracts away. They didn’t come back.” Duke Fakir recalls this as being an opening maneuver in a negotiation that ultimately led to the Tops signing. They were still wary of the young label. The Tops had seen how other Black-owned labels like Vee-Jay “didn’t treat their artists right and sales…were limited regionally,” Fakir wrote. Motown at this point “didn’t have a track record for selling nationally.” Furthermore, “we didn’t want our music pigeonholed in the solely R&B category.”

Detroit Free Press, 25 October 1963. Of interest that the Tops are billed as having already been on Ed Sullivan (have found no other documentation of this).

Still, the interests of Motown and the Tops had aligned. Motown was becoming increasingly dominant (Gordy: “They said the reason they hadn’t come back sooner…was because they weren’t sure a little black company like ours would be able to stay in business. They felt more confident when they saw so many of our artists getting hits.”) Post-Tonight Show appearance, the Tops were getting more notice and were hungry for a national hit, and Gordy saw them as ready-made for the “first class” tier of his label—a mature, sophisticated pop group that had played top nightclubs in New York, Las Vegas, and Los Angeles, one of his greatest ambitions for his acts. “The Tops were already established before he signed us,” Fakir noted. “He didn’t discover four young R&B singers, break them in and groom them.”

Further, Gordy was launching an imprint, Workshop Jazz, for which the Tops would be the centerpiece. The Tops said they would sign only if they got to cut a jazz album and, as per Fakir, Gordy happily agreed, saying “he wanted to release an album of us singing jazz standards on his label.”

Around April 1963, the Tops signed a six-year contract with Motown, which included a provision for the Tops to be used as backing singers on other Motown recordings for $6.25 a voice, with no royalties. There was no advance—Gordy said that wasn’t the Motown way, but “I guarantee you will have hits at this company.” The Tops pushed back and got $400 (recall they had earned $800 a week on the road with Billy Eckstine). “We wanted more, we needed more,” Fakir wrote.

Their debut LP was to be called Breaking Through, a stroll through the Great American Songbook. The Tops had carte blanche (for a few months): they chose their material, their arrangers—Ernie Wilkins, who had written for Count Basie, and Gil Askey, who had done arrangements for the Tops during an Atlantic City residency—and their musicians. In sessions that extended over a year, they recorded at Studio A and the Graystone Ballroom, which Gordy had recently purchased.

Breaking Through is the Four Tops as envisioned by Lawrence Payton—a jazz harmonic quartet, a group of smooth enthusiasts. “Lawrence only wanted to sing jazz, focusing on individual notes rather than melodic lines,” Mickey Stevenson said. Many tracks on the album are completely or partially sung by the Tops in four-part close harmonies, with Levi Stubbs only getting a dominant lead vocal on seven of the eighteen tracks cut for the album. Payton sang lead on “Stranger on the Shore,” “Can’t Get Out of This Mood,” and the stunning Motown original “Maybe Today.” Obie Benson got his usual setpiece, Nat “King” Cole’s “This Must Be Love.”

Selections ranged from over half a century, from Gershwin’s “Fascinating Rhythm” (done as a Vegas-style opener, complete with a “we’re ready to go!!” intro) to “On the Street Where You Live,” where Stubbs plays with one of Frederick Loewe’s most revered melodies, all but scatting some lines—he makes My Fair Lady swing. For Acker Bilk’s then-recent hit “Stranger on the Shore,” Payton turns Bilk’s melancholy reverie into a party—he’s having a blast while watching his girl sail away, his spirits boosted further by the other Tops (“I watch your ship (HEY!!) as it sailed out to sea (AS IT SAILED OUT TO SEA!!))” and a groovy organ possibly inspired by Booker T. & the MG’s [see Quartet No. 1] version of the song.

Among their influences was Count Basie (whose arrangements inspired those on the Tops’ versions of “Every Day I Have the Blues,” “Until I Met You,” and “Nice ‘n’ Easy”) and their old mentor Billy Eckstine, heard in how Payton sweetly worries and ribbons through notes in “Can’t Get Out of This Mood” or how Stubbs sings “I’m Falling For You” as if he’s in a battle of enunciators: “LIT-tle DAR-lin’!” “I love this ah-FAY-ay-yah!” “Sugar! Peach! Plum!” (he also makes “If My Heart Could Sing” as warm as a peacoat).

By the time the album was wrapped in October 1963, its prospects had dimmed. Workshop Jazz was a bust—Gordy released a handful of singles under that name before shuttering the label. Mickey Stevenson’s research found that jazz record sales were in freefall. Gordy, who always blamed jazz for the failure of his record store, told the Tops he would release their album “eventually, but to be honest, it’s not commercial enough.” 

The Tops were shattered. “We didn’t say anything; we didn’t know what to think, given how much he and everyone else involved had invested in it emotionally and creatively,” Fakir said. For a while, Stevenson and Gordy kept saying they thought the album should come out, that it was a top-rank jazz vocal record (they even greenlighted a last session for it in 1964, once the Tops got a hit); the timing just had to be right. It never would be. Breaking Through was finally released in August 1999, years after Motown was sold and the LP’s architect Lawrence Payton had died.

Breaking Through is the sound of the Tops’ nightclub youth, full of bright, brassy harmonies, with a vibrant high end and Stubbs luxuriating in his baritone. A quartet of vocal equals, each voice battling for control, lead singer swapping lines with the full group. When the Tops tried to reclaim this sound years later, it often felt strained—they had traveled too far.

The Tops went back to the road. They played Detroit clubs, they did Vegas and New York residencies, they sang at du Pont weddings. At Motown, they sang harmonies on any track they were offered—they’re heard on The Supremes’ “Run Run Run,” among others. These backing vocal sessions, sometimes run for nights on end during a busy stretch, helped the group learn “how to record in the studio,” Fakir wrote. “How to put feeling into our singing with no audience to feed off and how to get the nuances of our sound right.”

Still, one of Gordy’s most prestigious signings was being used solely as anonymous backing singers, while the group could sell out nightclubs.

In spring 1964, he had a solution. “I’m going to call over there and tell them we need them to write you some hits,” Gordy told the Tops. He was talking about his prized composer team, a trio who soon would become synonymous with Motown itself, and whose mystique would be such that John Lennon and Paul McCartney dreamed of writing songs with them.

H-D-H

A factory within a factory.

Lamont Dozier, on his partnership with the Hollands.

Eddie and Brian Holland were born in Detroit, sixteen months apart. The Hollands were shuffled around the city in their childhood, from the North End to Eight Mile Road to Cadillac Heights, their parents working at factories and Ford plants (their mother knew Gordy at Lincoln-Mercury).

By their early teens, the brothers were caught up in music. Brian, in writing it (in church choir, Brian would tinker with hymns, changing harmonies to fifths and sevenths. “It would be completely off-note to what was being sung,” his elder brother said, “and I would constantly elbow him, trying to make him stop.”). And Eddie, in singing it.

Brian, Carole, and Eddie Holland, ca. mid-Forties, Detroit

Eddie took some of his vocal technique from Mario Lanza records, seizing on how Lanza held notes and navigated melodies. Becoming a professional singer could feel like a pipe dream: he studied to be an accountant. At seventeen, he got his girlfriend pregnant (“I would marry her, but only if I could continue to act and live as an individual.”) By the time he was nineteen, in 1958, he was singing in Detroit clubs and managed by a local entrepreneur who introduced him to Gordy.

At the time, Gordy was writing songs for Jackie Wilson. As Eddie sang so much like Wilson that he could have impersonated Wilson in an overdub session, he was ideal for Gordy’s demos. This soon led to Eddie signing with Motown, getting the label’s second-ever release, “Merry-Go-Round,” a nondescript Gordy-penned song on which Eddie, unsurprisingly, sounds like Jackie Wilson.

Handsome and gifted with a supple voice that had a soaring range, Eddie at first seemed poised to be one of the label’s top male singers, rivaling Marvin Gaye. But he hated performing, and especially hated touring, a fundamental reluctance that hindered his career. At Motown, Eddie became a refined singer whose singles consistently died (the best, and his only R&B Top Ten hit, was the dashing “Jamie,” his most sublime Wilson homage). He “dreamed of escaping the straitjacket. But how?”

Eddie unhappily on stage at the Graystone Ballroom, ca. turn of the Sixties

By the end of the Fifties, Brian Holland was also in the Gordy orbit, starting out as Gordy’s housekeeper. He sang backing vocals on “Money,” he wrote songs with one of Motown’s best composers of its early days, Janie Bradford, and he formed a partnership with Robert Bateman (the duo was awkwardly dubbed “Brianbert”) which resulted in “Please Mr. Postman.” When the latter hit number one on the pop charts, “I felt like a guy who jumped off the Empire State Building and landed…not even having sex with a great woman could match that feeling,” Brian said.

Bateman, an integral figure of early Motown (he even wired the studio), grew frustrated with Gordy and quit in 1962, heading to New York and eventual obscurity (he did co-write “If You Need Me” for Wilson Pickett, which Solomon Burke and the Rolling Stones covered). Before he left, he recommended that Brian work with one of Motown’s recent hires. “A cordial broad-featured fellow with a country drawl,” as Raynoma Gordy described Lamont Dozier.

Dozier, born four months after Brian Holland in 1941, grew up in the Black Bottom district of Detroit, in the last years before the freeways came. His father was an alcoholic veteran who, when he could hold a job, worked at the Detroit-Michigan Stove Factory. The Doziers lived in a century-old decrepit house on Congress Street. His mother woke him at night so she could kick rats off his bed. He was convinced “the poverty we endured gave me strength to dream.”

He took up piano to placate and escape from his father, who would “beat the shit out of me and my brother for nothing.” But when Dozier was “on that piano bench, nobody was getting drunk. Nobody was yelling. I was at peace.”

From overhearing his grandmother and mother (who eventually left his father), he realized “how a lot of men don’t live up to what they should be—as lovers, caretakers, or fathers.” By junior high, Dozier was ghostwriting love poems for boys to give their girlfriends. At Northwestern High, he was “plunking out piano chords and finding notes to go with my words,” which he scrawled on paper grocery bags.

He dropped out, sang in vocal groups like The Romeos (who released a few singles in the late Fifties) and the Voice Masters. In 1962, he signed with Motown as a performer and composer, earning $25 a week advances from future royalties (“just about enough money to pay for my bus rides to and from work”). There Brian Holland heard him working on a song in the studio, and suggested an idea for the bridge—it became a Marvelettes B-side, “Forever.” From then on, they were a pair.

Brian once described the division of compositional labor as “I liked writing beautiful melodies [while] Lamont would put in the more rhythmic things. He was especially great at creating the shuffle tracks.” “He used to be a drummer and understood syncopation,” Eddie Holland said of Dozier. “A lot of people couldn’t sing his melodies, but I could.”

Getting a check from Motown that, after deductions (studio costs, musician fees, producer fees, arranger fees etc.), came to “nothing,” Eddie saw that his brother got one for co-writing “Please Mr. Postman” that could have been a down payment on a house. “I wanted to make money, simple as that,” Eddie said, as to why he wanted to break into his brother’s partnership. “He wanted to stay in the game, but he wanted to stay home,” Dozier later said.

Eddie only released one single between May 1962 and January 1963 because he had stopped coming in to Motown and “was teaching himself to write songs,” his brother said. Eddie spent his days breaking songs down “line by line, word by word, syllable by syllable…I was like a forensic investigator.” Smokey Robinson was the obvious model, but Eddie thought “Smokey was too sophisticated.” Any Robinson-type song that he wrote would only sound like a Robinson knock-off.

His strength, Eddie later said, was that he felt he understood people, especially teenagers, that he knew what drove them, the lies they told themselves, what they yearned most to hear. So he would write to them, for them, simply, with elegance, without ornament. “Teenagers won’t listen word for word,” he said in 1965. “At least not at first. You get one line and play with it throughout the song.” From his memoir:

I wanted to make sure that, even if you didn’t understand every word, you’d not be able to hear one of my lyrics and not know what it meant. It had to communicate, and I developed a technique of doing that, which I called ‘repeat-fomation’, where you keep saying the same thing but in a different way. I also realized that when you finish one sentence, you have to maintain the thought, so one line overlaps into the next and the sentiment continues on. I didn’t want any lazy words. Even The Beatles, when they first started, used a lot of “yeah yeah yeah” and things like that, words that filled a gap but didn’t actually advance the song. I tried very hard to steer away from that.

In a Eddie Holland lyric, there’s little of Robinson’s delight in rhymes and puns. Holland’s gift lay in how he could voice emotional states in a handful of lines, his verses often consisting of a statement that a following line illuminates or ironically colors. “I write the way girls feel,” he told the Detroit Free Press in March 1965. “They buy the records.” His singers are those who, after a long delusion, see the length and breadth of the truth at last. They have no power, and they will change nothing, but now they can speak of their despair, giving a heartbreak deposition:

Let me get over you, the way you’ve gotten over me

I needed the shelter of someone’s arms, and there you were

The more and more I care, the more of him other girls share

I know you’re no good for me, but you’ve become a part of me

My biggest mistake was loving you too much, and letting you know

He started writing with a young producer at Motown, Norman Whitfield, and made some Motown standards, like The Marvelettes’ “Too Many Fish in the Sea” (years later, Eddie helped Whitfield take control of The Temptations, writing lyrics for “Beauty Is Only Skin Deep,” “(I Know) I’m Losing You” and “Ain’t Too Proud to Beg”). But he kept his eye on Holland-Dozier. They were getting a reputation as one of Motown’s hottest production teams, for “their own songs as well as other people’s, and I noticed that they could whip out melodies so fast, and there was nothing they couldn’t write.”

But Holland-Dozier’s songs were spotty, Eddie thought. One song would have a few striking lines, the next would be stuffed with cliches. As a singer, Eddie felt it was a waste: “their melodies were so good that they demanded consistency.” He made a proposition to his brother—why don’t you and Lamont concentrate on music and production, and let me do the lyrics? Despite this dividing the pie further, a three-way partnership ultimately would mean more money, as they could cut more records, write more compositions.

H-D-H with Martha Reeves, 1964

Brian and Dozier had already decided they needed a third partner. But they wanted Janie Bradford, who recently had done Stevie Wonder’s “Contract on Love” with them (a Motown in-joke, with Wonder and The Temptations hollering at a girl to sign a contract: “sign it! sign it! SIGN IT!”). She turned down the chance to form Holland-Bradford-Dozier, saying “I write standards. My songs don’t disappear overnight. Instead, they get covered over and over, so I’ll pass.” (Sure enough, The Beatles would soon earn her a pile by covering “Money.”)

So Eddie it was. One of his first jobs was to help complete a piece that Dozier had written with Loretta Lynn in mind. “It was a country song with a country lyric, but I was a black kid in Detroit, so how in the hell was I going to get my song to Loretta Lynn or get someone to open that door for me?” Dozier and Brian “did a little surgery on the song,” jazzing up the progression with eleventh and ninth chords, making the groove heavier, and tailoring the melody for Martha Reeves’ voice (here’s where Eddie came in). “Come and Get These Memories,” released in February 1963, was Reeves & the Vandellas’ first hit single, and cemented Holland-Dozier-Holland, the mighty “H-D-H.”

It was rare when the three of them sat in a room together and knocked out a song, though it happened when they were on deadline. Brian more often wrote at home, and at Motown, each member of H-D-H was usually off in a different corner of the building, working with singers, rehearsing the Funk Brothers or doing mixes. A typical production found Brian bringing in the gears and guts of a song, its chords and melodies. Dozier would suggest changes and work up rhythm ideas. Eddie would finesse the top melody and write a lyric for it, then Dozier and Brian turned to arranging and producing backing tracks. Eddie ran the lead vocal sessions, working hand-in-hand with the singer, while Brian engineered. Dozier handled the backing vocal sessions, Brian usually mixed the track.

These roles weren’t set in stone—Eddie came up with the melody of “Brenda,” Dozier wrote some of the trio’s most memorable lines (“Stop! in the name of love!” is his). But H-D-H built a solid assembly line and became Motown’s factory within the factory. By the end of 1964, Dozier wrote, H-D-H had two dozen hits “at the cost of one failed marriage” (his own) and two other very troubled ones.

Motown had developed a fiefdom structure in which teams of producers, often forming temporary alliances with freelance songwriters, vied to work on the label’s hottest acts. Weekly Quality Control meetings, in which Gordy and his various producers decided which prospective singles lived or died, was one main battlefield. The charts were the other—if your single flopped, your act was up for plunder. Smokey Robinson, as always first among equals, had a lock on The Temptations and Mary Wells. Mickey Stevenson held a strong position with Marvin Gaye. H-D-H began with Martha Reeves & the Vandellas.

Reeves had been a Motown secretary and had shifted around various dead-end vocal groups. Now with “Come and Get These Memories” she had a hit, and she was hungry. For her follow-up, H-D-H wrote their first masterpiece, the fruit of their compositional strengths and their ability to shape the collective genius of the Funk Brothers.

It started life as Dozier’s warmup routine on piano—danta-dan danta-dan danta-dan da-da-da-da-DA DA—which he, Brian, and the band turned into a crossfire of rhythms: the flare of the drum pattern, the low swing of the baritone saxes, Jamerson’s crafty support on bass, the piano responses in the refrains, the counter-rhythm danced on piano and vibes, the sax break the Vandellas work against, all the YEAH yeah YEAH yeahs that round out the song. H-D-H keep Reeves off-stage in the first verse, letting the Funk Brothers build tension. Then at last she’s there, coming in with a drum fill. The ecstatic brilliance of her vocal, anticipating and playing off the drums, the lustful elation in how she phrases Eddie’s lines: sometimes I stare in SPACE…tears all ohhhhh-ver my FACE…I can’t EXPLAIN it don’t UNDERSTAND it…I ain’t never FELT like this BE-FORE.

When “Heat Wave” was played at Quality Control, Gordy was unusually quiet and then burst out: this needs to be released as soon as possible! He’d heard the future. It topped the R&B chart, hit No. 4 on the Hot 100, and H-D-H were the new kings. A Detroit reporter visited Motown and saw H-D-H tear out of a room “like a football team supercharged during halftime,” running in a huddle towards the studio.

They could be inspired pastichists, doing a perfect Phil Spector knockoff (“Too Hurt To Cry, Too Much in Love To Say Goodbye”). They made Smokey Robinson dance (“Mickey’s Monkey”) and gave him a song that masqueraded as one of his own compositions (“I Gotta Dance to Keep From Crying” ). They became Marvin Gaye’s primary songwriting team for a time, goading him to sing at the peak of his range. They set about turning the “no-hit Supremes,” who had been striking out on the charts since 1961, into The Beatles’ greatest rivals, starting with “When the Lovelight Starts Shining Through His Eyes” (Brian’s first response, upon reading Eddie’s title, was “how am I expected to write a melody for this? Can we cut it down some?”), which met Spector production with a Bo Diddley beat.

But the Four Tops were off limits. At Motown, the Tops had been assigned to Mickey Stevenson, though Stevenson was at a loss at what to do with them after the collapse of the Breaking Through project. The Hollands were longtime Tops fans, and Dozier considered them “the top of the heap as far as vocal groups go.” Seeing the Tops at loose ends at Motown, H-D-H started using them as backing singers, particularly once they found the Tops blended impeccably with the three-woman Andantes, forming a seven-voice harmonic spectrum.

In June 1963, “Holland-Dozier” released an H-D-H-penned single, “What Comes Up, Must Come Down,” which has one of the first appearances of the Tops-Andantes septet on harmonies. The song was an oddity, with Dozier playing a vindictive gravel-voiced ex-boyfriend, and promptly bombed. But H-D-H thought to keep using the name as a storefront for experiments or, more practically, to release compositions that didn’t find takers from other Motown artists.

On 10 April 1964, H-D-H cut backing tracks for another potential Holland-Dozier single, which they also considered giving to Johnny Nash, whom Motown was courting at the time. It was a downtempo song that came from Brian Holland’s desperation at the state of his marriage. He had married young, straight out of high school. His wife Sharon, who suffered from horrific migraines and was possibly bipolar (his later speculation), had become, in his eyes, cruel and cold to him.

“I was miserable, I was frustrated and I felt completely rejected,” Brian later wrote. “I felt as though I was worthless to her…I didn’t want to stay but I didn’t want to leave, either. I didn’t want to be alone.” For nights on end, he played his piano. Like Dozier in his childhood home, once he was on the bench, he was at peace. Working the keys in the darkness, a song came to him, “a total cry from the heart, or maybe from a bit lower than that—it was me calling out that I couldn’t live like this any longer. I loved her and I wanted her, and I couldn’t understand why she didn’t want me.”

Baby I Need Your Loving

Gordy, H-D-H, and the Tops toast to the success of “Baby I Need Your Loving,” 1964

Our national anthem.

Levi Stubbs, introducing “Baby I Need Your Loving” at the Roostertail in Detroit, 1966.

One night in the mid-Nineties, at a They Might Be Giants show in New York, the band did one of their bits of the era—“Spin the Dial,” in which John Flansburgh picked up a radio and flicked across the spectrum, the group hooking on songs that he spun past. After TMBG did an approximation of some Eighties MTV hit, maybe “99 Luftballons,” and tortured some classic rock warhorse, maybe “Aqualung,” Flansburgh struck upon a station playing the Four Tops’ “Baby I Need Your Loving,” right at the start of a chorus.

With a sweep with his free arm, Flansburgh started singing, his body loosely swaying; the band fell into the groove at once, the audience mumble-sang along. Because everyone in that room knew “Baby I Need Your Loving.”

The lift of bay-bee I need your lov-in’, like the ascension of a staircase. The fervent ai yearning towards the double ees that tense on the uh in “loving.” Then the hinge of the refrain, the hard staccato “GOT” that lands on the second beat of the bar, like a great snare hit; a labor of the lower jaw to sound it. The consonant release of “have all your lov in.”

Some Motown records are no longer the work of ambitious men and women in Detroit in the Sixties, but a national permanence, like Coke cans, lawyers who advertise on television, and the interstate highways. You know there was a time before these existed, you may conceive that people created them, but you can’t really believe it. This is one of those songs.

Its creation is, naturally, somewhat mythic. We have Brian Holland’s recollection in his memoir that “Baby I Need Your Loving” (at least its chorus) came from sad nights at his piano. The song sat on the shelf for months until Mickey Stevenson asked if H-D-H had anything for the Tops, Brian wrote.

Yet Lamont Dozier remembered it differently, that “Baby I Need Your Loving” started as a backing track he and Brian cut in late 1963—whenever they had minutes to spare at the end of a three-hour session, H-D-H often had the players “lay down a [new] musical track with the idea of coming up with a story or lyrical concept later on.” Months later, Dozier was in his office at Motown and got “handed a two-line gift from the Master Muse [Dozier’s concept, a sort of God-slash-compositional aid]: Baby I need your lovin’, got to have all your lovin’.” Dozier sketched a few more lines and handed the song to Eddie Holland to finish. “Everything fell together quickly from there…sometimes a song isn’t ready until it’s ready.”

Eddie’s recollection was that he didn’t think much of the song, whoever started it. “I really wasn’t that knocked out about it.”

Cash Box, 25 July 1964

Upon hearing that Gordy was looking for a promising Tops single, they thought “Baby I Need Your Loving” could work. The Tops were at the 20 Grand club on 14th Street, watching the Temptations on stage (or, as per Fakir, the Tops were performing at the 20 Grand that night—there’s nothing in this story that everyone agrees upon). The Hollands turned up to say they had a song. They and the Tops went back to Motown late that night and, per Fakir, they cut everything—lead and harmony vocals—in little over an hour. As the Tops left the studio, Fakir wrote, they heard H-D-H marveling: “these motherfuckers can sang!”

Yet on the same date as the listed “Baby” vocal session, 7 May 1964, the Tops also recorded vocals for another shelved H-D-H composition, originally written for Marvin Gaye: “Gotta Say It, Gonna Tell It Like It Is.” Which suggests that H-D-H had the Tops cut at least two potential singles that night (or later/earlier that day?). And “Gotta Say It” seems as likely a candidate for release—it’s a catchy uptempo soul number, with Levi Stubbs in gruff exuberant form. “Baby I Need Your Loving” would demand far more from him.

Dozier recalled that Stubbs, upon hearing the backing track of “Baby I Need Your Loving,” suggested that Lawrence Payton should sing it, as Payton’s voice was lighter and better suited for the key. But “we didn’t want light and smooth,” Dozier wrote. “There was a something about Levi stretching to the top of his range that had a certain sense of pleading and urgency.”

Eddie Holland thought Stubbs’ generosity was a defensive response after he’d done a poor initial run-through. “It’s not really my type of song,” Stubbs told Eddie, who told Stubbs to spend a weekend rehearsing it: “The song sounded simple, but it wasn’t.” When Stubbs returned, he “sang the hell out of that song.” (Fakir, of course, said that Stubbs cut the vocal in three takes that first night.)

Was Stubbs’ discomfort in part because he could see how H-D-H would change his group? Over a decade, the Tops had built a democratic stage life of four-part harmonies, but to make it as a Motown pop act, they had to be molded into a lead singer and his trio of harmonists, the latter usually mixed on record with the Andantes trio. And a lead singer who constantly was being shoved out of his comfort zone: a baritone given tenor parts. Billy Davis said that Dozier (“the sparkplug of H-D-H”), when he scraped at the top of his range, sounded much like Stubbs doing the same, so Dozier “knew what Levi’s voice would sound like….when he’s rasping and totally soulful, his sincerity comes out in his higher range. The Tops knew it [too] but they were not zeroing in on it prior to H-D-H.”

“Baby I Need Your Loving,” the first Four Tops hit, is the creation of Levi Stubbs on record. Billy Bragg wrote “Levi Stubbs’ Tears” about the man who Stubbs became in these three verses and choruses.

A drum fill to the intro. Snaps on two and four; a biting guitar riff. Strings come in on the third bar; the Tops sing a longing hook. The intro has a cloudiness—it feels unsettled, a B-flat pedal with a descending harmonic move that H-D-H would reuse on “Nowhere to Run” and which Paul McCartney would use for the endless coda of “Hey Jude.”

Stubbs lays out his claim. He’s calm, resolute, all but speaking the title line over a steady sway between home chord (“baby”) and IV chord (“need”). But the verse goes on for longer than you’d expect—fourteen bars (when The Supremes recorded the song, they cut the verse down). The other Tops sing an obsessive line—I really NEED you. Stubbs can’t close off his thoughts. Another day, another night, until he ends on a line without a rhyme match, sounding artless, desperate: Cause I’m so lonely.

And the chorus comes at last, with a modulation to E flat, a sweep of strings and the Andantes, with their soprano lifts, broadening the sky. It’s a grand longing. It takes nearly half the refrain to establish the new key (we don’t hit Eb until the “GOT!”) and H-D-H ensure that its grandeur is never stable, that nothing feels secured. Each time Stubbs makes a declaration (“need” “GOT!”), it’s on a minor chord, foundering him. The four-note bassline is the same as in the verse, suggesting that beneath the dramatics, the fundaments haven’t changed.

Stubbs has made his plea but he’s only exposed himself, abased himself, and now others are watching him—it’s no longer a private matter (“some say it’s a sign of weakness”). The second verse is four bars shorter, the backing vocals now a set of oo-ooh-ooh-ooh-oos, and Earl Van Dyke on piano makes terse responses to each Stubbs line, like shakes of the head by an unsympathetic bartender. The ear longs for Stubbs to get back to the chorus, to make another demand—a feeling of heavy strain pervades. At last, again: the modulation, the strings, the Andantes, the “GOT! to have all your LOV-IN!”

Stubbs plunges on, scrabbling through the bridge, straight into the last verse. Which starts, lyrically, with Eddie Holland doing his best Smokey Robinson:

When you see me smile, you know
Things have gotten worse
Any smile you might see
Has all been rehearsed

Stubbs phrases these lines elegantly, as if he’s suddenly doing “On the Street Where You Live,” but there’s poison in every syllable. The Tops and Andantes chant behind him, building in crescendo, a drumline of obsessive power: I need you and and I WANT you, baby…I need you and I LOVE you…I need you and I WANT you. Stubbs tears apart the song, ransacking it, but he only finds mirrors. Darling, I can’t go ON without you, he sings. This EMPTINESS….This LONELINESS (each of these sung over the return of the intro progression—the song is cycling back, everything unmooring). Makes me feel…HALF ALIVE.

The chorus crashes in one more time: the soprano lift, the grand sweep of strings, Stubbs needing more love than seemingly anyone has ever needed, this gargantuan hunger, like the yearning of a planet towards an indifferent sun. There’s no resolution—Stubbs is still pleading in the fade—but you hope he’ll at last prevail, somehow, if beyond our hearing, because he’ll burn down the world if he doesn’t. And we’ll sing along, like Flansburgh and the crowd did that night in New York.

“Baby I Need Your Loving”‘s peak on the Billboard Hot 100, 3 October 1964

“Baby I Need Your Loving” was released in mid-July 1964—Gordy put it out without telling any of the Tops they finally had a Motown single. Fakir first heard it on WJBK AM, on his friend’s car radio. Stubbs also heard it on the radio. Benson heard it while visiting Atlantic City. Payton only heard it when he went by the Motown offices.

It cracked the Billboard Hot 100 on 15 August 1964, The Top 40 two weeks later. It peaked in September, at #11 pop. It made much of the rest of the chart, nearly everything that it shared the air with in those months (apart from the sunny revolution of Martha Reeves’ “Dancing in the Street”), seem half-hearted.

On a flight from Cincinnati to New York, one late August night in 1964, Paul McCartney was talking to Paul Drew, program director for Atlanta’s WQXI. Drew asked what records he’d been listening to, and McCartney raved about “Baby I Need Your Loving,” singing bars of it, this song, man, saying that it really “turned him on.” Cynthia Weil and Barry Mann were stunned by it. Pressed by Phil Spector to write something for the Righteous Brothers, they turned to “Baby I Need Your Loving,” finding a vein to tap within it. You never close your eyes any more when I kiss your lips, Mann began, summoning up a Stubbs character for Bill Medley to play.

Sad Souvenirs

The rest of 1964 found the Tops, Motown, and H-D-H trying to strike gold again, presenting the Tops as the label’s new grand miserabilists. H-D-H’s follow-up single, “Without the One You Love (Life’s Not Worthwhile),” released in November, was a clunky, inept sequel to “Baby I Need Your Loving”—even its title needs a rewrite—and it died at #41. “We were caught up in The Supremes whirlwind at the time, and it shows,” Dozier said of the track, which they struggled for over a month to complete, with a slew of overdubs. “We tried to simply duplicate ‘Baby I Need Your Loving,’ but the song didn’t have the same magic.”

Better were H-D-H tracks used as B-sides: the doomstruck “Love Has Gone”; the uneasy harmonies in the Sam Cooke tribute “Call on Me“; “Where Did You Go,” with its haunted cocktail hour feel. And the Mickey Stevenson/Ivy Jo Hunter songs that the Tops stockpiled for their first LP, released early in the new year: “Don’t Turn Away”  and “Sad Souvenirs,” the latter a stagy farewell to a relationship, venturing close to operetta at times, with the Tops shrieking “SAD!!!” in the refrains.

Most of all, Stevenson/Hunter’s  “Ask the Lonely,” issued as the Tops’ third Motown single in January 1965 after “Without the One You Love” crashed and burned. Though it was the Tops claiming a track originally intended for yet another Gordy attempt to break a white pop star (the ill-fated Tommy Good), it was the step needed beyond “Baby I Need Your Loving,” in which Stubbs joins a confederacy of the shattered, becoming their champion. Singing with a colossal power (it’s among the finest of the Tops’ “arias”), Stubbs torches through the bridge: “they’ll…..TELL……YOU” he begins, then pauses, trying to hold it together. “They’ll tell you a story of sadness, a story too hard to believe,” he sings, sounding incredulous. “They’ll tell you the loneliest…ONNNNNNE…is me.” And they’re right: who could deny it?

PART TWO, from “I Can’t Help Myself” and Motown’s rocket summer of 1965 to the Tops’ last bitter days at Motown in 1972, COMING (RELATIVELY) SOON. 64 Quartets essays are serialized (often months before they appear here) on my Patreon, if interested.

4. Queen

DISCOGRAPHY                   SOURCES                            PLAYLIST (+)

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Get drunk and sing along to Queen

R.E.M., “The Wake-Up Bomb”

Earls Court, 1977

Freddie Mercury, on stage in London, wielding his microphone half-stand like a bishop’s crosier, asks his audience what type of song the band should play next.

Something a bit softer, something quiet or something heavier?…Listen to me, luvvies: listen! He’s in a harlequin outfit that’s open at the chest and so tight that it’s apparent on which side he dresses. Should I just tell you what’s it’s called? he says, airily dispensing with the fiction of taking a request. It’s called: Death! On Two Leg-ZUH!

He hunches over his piano like a garment maker at work; he’s playing silent-movie-suspense arpeggios. During Mercury’s piano stints, the crowd tenses, waiting for the moment when he’ll jolt up! (it happens quickly, here; sometimes it never happens) and move downstage, leaving the piano behind as if it was a rocket booster.

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“Death on Two Legs (Dedicated To…)” opens Queen’s 1975 album A Night at the Opera. It’s a piss-off/kiss-off to their former managers, Trident Productions, and, in particular, to Trident co-owners Norman and Barry Sheffield. It’s about a nasty old man I used to know, Mercury says at Earls Court. (Norman Sheffield would sue for defamation and later wrote a book called Life on Two Legs.)

In 1975, Queen had toured Japan and were treated like the Beatles, “Killer Queen” was a UK #2, and they were on Top of the Pops but they were still living in squalid apartments and being turned down for cash advances. By the standards of “rock stars ripped off by managers,” the situation wasn’t that egregious. Queen wasn’t getting advances because they owed Trident tens of thousands of pounds after making lavishly-produced albums that hadn’t, until 1975, sold well. They’d soon get out of the Trident contract and have enough money to buy country houses a year or so later.

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The offender’s identity, the nature of their offense, means little to “Death on Two Legs” (which, as its parenthetical suggests, is dedicated to anyone you hate). All that was required was an opening, a chance for Mercury to write a revenge song. It’s invective worthy of a pharaoh. He likens his targets to sharks and shabby barrow peddlers, to leeches and rabid dogs, to sewer rats and old mules. You should be made unemployed, he spits. Or better, ever thought of killing yourself? (“I think you should!”) It’s apparent who death on two legs truly is. In this pantheon of gods, Mercury is the Bringer of War.

“I had a tough time trying to get the lyrics across…I wanted to make them as coarse as possible,” Mercury said in 1976. “My throat was bleeding, the whole bit. I was changing lyrics every day trying to get it as vicious as possible…I was completely engrossed in it, swimming in it. Wow! I was a demon for a few days…Initially it was going to have the intro and then everything stop and the words—YOU, SUCK, MY—but that was going too far.”

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Death on Two Legs” has a three-part introduction (a typically Queen thing of the period—a song starts with a mini-song): a) faded-in frantic piano that’s muted when b) Brian May picks between two notes, ominously—it’s his Jaws theme—with overdubbed seagull cries, a maelstrom that’s ended by a hard cut to c) what we soon discover is the chorus riff, played on piano, soon answered by a May guitar figure high on his frets, which he develops into a brief solo. “Death” has been slowing in tempo since it began, a sense of temporal distortion that’s furthered in the verse, with its half-time shifts (“all…my…money,” “fooo-oo-ools of the first division”). Mercury is so consumed by spite that he’s warping the world around him.

In the chorus, everything tightens up, Mercury homing in on his prey, making long swoops down a fifth (“a-paahhhhrt,” “a haaahhhrrrrt“) and joined, at the kill, by what sounds like a chorus of robed justices from a Gilbert and Sullivan operetta, singing in colossal four-part harmony: KILL JOY!   BAD GUY!   BIG TALKIN’!   SMALL FRY!  This great tower block of vocals is the purest sound of Queen, their God voice, three men singing the same note together, tracking over that in harmony, then tracking over that, and so making layer after layer of themselves. The most M.C. Escher of bands.

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On stage at Earls Court, Roger Taylor, in his small fortress of toms and cymbals and gong, is the back center; John Deacon stands on the riser a step beneath the drums, poised like a goalie. Mercury prowls around the lip of the stage while May shuttles back and forth, depending on where he is in the song, as if being summoned by a bell.

Stage Queen was a band apart from Album Queen, they always said. The former was a regional touring company for the latter. “Death” on record is cram-packed with little details—Mercury’s hissed “shark!,” a guitar kiss. Bringing “Death” to an audience as a mere quartet, Queen has to chip down the song, make it light enough to travel. At Earls Court, “Death on Two Legs” is acted out as a royal triumph. They are the champions: here’s one of their conquests.

Bohemian Rhapsody, 2019

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The Queen biopic Bohemian Rhapsody took a decade to make. It went through a string of prospective directors (of the two who shot the picture, the first was fired during filming) and actors, with enough script revisions to fill a small manor.

The released film was, charitably, something of a mess. Scenes feel spliced together from a tangle of reshoots, some look done via CGI. It has the vigor of a made-for-television movie from 1994. I recall one about Madonna from around then—it opens with Madonna sitting in an awards show dressing room, sadly regarding herself in the mirror, and a janitor walking by says something like, That’s how it is, Madonna: when you reach the top, you’re always alone. The spirit of this janitor haunts this film.

As per Sacha Baron Cohen, originally cast to play Mercury, an earlier script had dispatched Freddie with a good chunk of the film left to go—this draft concluded by noting, apparently in great detail, that Queen continues. If at least allowed to be the main character of Bohemian Rhapsody, Mercury is also shown as silly, decadent, estranged from his true friends in the band, who are put-upon types who shake their heads at poor Freddie’s lifestyle, ruled by a cabal of Manipulative Gays. He’s finally allowed a measure of happiness as a (discreetly) gay monogamist and then dies. This is tragic but equally so, the film implies, is the fact that this could have meant the end of the band.

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Bohemian Rhapsody grossed over $900 million, as of last April (it’s likely hit over $1 billion by now), and won four Oscars, including Best Actor and Best Editor (!). It’s a very Queen ending. Something tied to them appears ill-advised, tacky, bound for failure. Then it makes a billion dollars. Nothing really matters.

The strangest of the platinum rock bands, Queen lived in the space between their contradictions: a self-conscious yet oblivious group; exquisite craftsmen who were wildly tasteless; science fiction/fantasy aficionados who made records loved by jocks. They released an album called Jazz that not only had no jazz on it, but was a pole apart from jazz—it was jazz antimatter, Zzaj. They were the straightest of bands, defined by a man whose magnificently queer persona shone through them.

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And only the Beatles stand above them today, in terms of “classic rock” bands still enjoyed by the young. Of Spotify’s 100 most-streamed songs, “Bohemian Rhapsody” is currently ranked 35th, with over 1.1 billion streams. It’s the only song on the list from the 20th Century. Hell, it’s the only song on the list released before 2011.

Or see Billboard‘s Top 10 Rock Songs of the 2010s, dominated by Imagine Dragons, Panic! at the Disco and Twenty-One Pilots. These bands owe nothing to the Rolling Stones, the Clash, Nirvana; they are the children of Queen. (See My Chemical Romance’s Gerard Way: “I think Queen is the greatest rock band of all time”; see Lady Gaga, stage name taken from a Queen song.) Mainstream rock today lives in the cathedral that Queen built decades ago. Adam Lambert fits perfectly with Queen, as they are his contemporaries.

A Short History of Queen

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A Longer History of Queen

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The Good Product

“If there was ever an equally divided quartet, this is it. We need that kind of blend where each one’s got to contribute just about evenly. Just because I’m out front doesn’t necessarily mean I’m any kind of leader. We all have strong characters and we row constantly. It’s healthy, because then you get the cream, the good product.”

Freddie Mercury, to Phonograph Record, 1976

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Freddie Bulsara, London, 1969 (Mark and Colleen Hayward)

I’ve created a monster. The monster is me. I can’t blame anyone for this. It’s what I’ve worked for since I was a child. I would have killed for this. Whatever happens to me is all my fault. It’s what I wanted.

Freddie Mercury, ca. mid-Eighties, to Lesley-Ann Jones.

Courtney Love is reading from Kurt Cobain’s suicide note at a vigil in Seattle, April 1994. “‘When the manic roar of the crowd begins, it doesn’t affect me in the way in which it did for Freddie Mercury,'” holding in a tear-soaked laugh on the last words. “‘Who seemed to love and relish in the love and adoration of the crowd…'” She breaks off. “Well, Kurt, so fucking what? Then don’t be a rock star, you asshole.”

Freddie Mercury was a designer brand of rock stardom: a striking-looking man in a skin-tight t-shirt and jeans or tights, his face that of a sea pirate from a Douglas Fairbanks picture, leading football stadiums of people in cod-operatic chants, singing “We Are the Champions” as if he’d won the Superbowl earlier that day.

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In interviews, he spoke of himself as a character, calling “Freddie” a stage-summoned demon, one who could never be second-best. He likened his stage hours to having out-of-body experiences: “It’s like I’m looking down on myself and thinking, ‘fuck me, that’s hot.’ Then I realize it’s me.”

He had no back story. He was Freddie Mercury, he sang “Bohemian Rhapsody” and “We Will Rock You” and “Another One Bites the Dust” and “Flash.” Maybe you recalled he used to be clean-shaven. That was it. No Liverpool docks to Hollywood Bowl struggle to stardom, no Graceland, no going-electric-at-Newport, no legends about him (but some rumors). Who knew he was born in Zanzibar? That his real name was Bulsara? These facts weren’t hidden—they were disclosed nearly from the start in Queen profiles—but they weren’t necessary. Freddie Mercury was born anew each night, sparked into life by his crowds. Otherwise he was kept in a luxury box: caviar, cigarettes, Moët et Chandon in a pretty cabinet, some cats.

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Fred on Fred, 1979 (Peter Hince)

Farrokh Bulsara was born in Zanzibar, in 1946, to Zoroastrian Parsi immigrants from India. He couldn’t get out of his original life quickly enough (“you won’t get much from Zanzibar,” he told Circus in 1974).

At nine, he was shipped off to St. Peter’s Boys School in Panchgani, a small hill town in Maharashtra, India (“I was a precocious child and my parents thought boarding school would do me good,” he told Caroline Coon. “It was an upheaval of an upbringing, which seems to have worked, I guess”). There he lived between 1955 and 1963, visiting home rarely. In Panchgani, he started being known as “Freddie,” began performing music, started calling everyone he met “darling.”

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Farrokh Bulsara (right, kneeling) and his classmates at St Peter’s School, ca. late Fifties (Ajay Goyal)

The Zanzibar Revolution of 1964, if catastrophic for the Bulsaras (who fled to Britain, where they had family), would be the great fortune of Freddie Bulsara’s life. Imagine an alternate Freddie, a frustrated provincial out of a Rushdie novel, working in trade or design or government, based in Dar es Salaam or Mumbai, poring through NMEs that arrive months-late in the post, his ambitions penned to his diaries.

Instead fate placed him, in 1965, at age nineteen, in Feltham, within striking distance of Swinging London.

He moved to Kensington, went to Ealing Art College, spent his nights in clubs. His idol was Jimi Hendrix, whom he followed around on one tour. He could play piano and had an ear for vocal harmony. In 1968, an Ealing friend, Tim Staffell, formed a rock group, Smile, with other London college kids: Brian May (with whom Staffell had played in an earlier band, 1984) and Roger Taylor.

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Freddie became Smile’s fan, roadie, plus-one. They were the semi-professionals, students working up a rep on the regional circuit; he was their irreverent font of ideas. He watched Smile from the wings, analyzing them—most of all, imagining being one of them. Queen is the theater-dream of Freddie Bulsara, a play taken over by its sharpest critic.

As David Hepworth wrote of Mercury on stage, “he was utterly exposed. But Freddie didn’t mind. That was his strength, to be able to do something that no other member of the band could imagine themselves doing.”

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He, May, and Taylor formed Queen in 1970 (once Staffell left, Freddie at last seized the position he’d craved). As with Bowie, Elton John and Marc Bolan, Queen’s Sixties had been apprentice years. Now there were openings and they meant to take one. They picked a striking name (as did Freddie, who anointed himself “Mercury”), designed a logo, settled on their look—a lived-in, comfortable glam.

Convinced of their worth, they didn’t want to waste years paying dues on the road—they would rarely be an opening act. (Taylor, 1976: “We didn’t really want to get into that small club circuit. We all wanted to play big, big concerts.”) They would instead rehearse, write and record, and record well (even their demo was cut via 16-track console, on two-inch tape); they would get the notice they deserved, and become famous. This took roughly five years.

In 1978, Mercury wrote a valentine to Queen, his homage to the Seventies’ biggest cabaret act, a misfit rock gang commanded by a man with the soul of Sally Bowles. “It’s a sellout!” as he kicks things off:

Just take a look at the menu
We give you rock à la carte!
We’ll breakfast at Tiffany’s!
We’ll sing to you in Japanese!
We’re only here to entertain you

The Faerie Bicycle Race (Gunpowder, Gelatine)

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Richard Dadd, The Fairy Feller’s Master Stroke (1855-1864, detail).

My lyrics and songs are mainly fantasies. I make them up. They are not down-to-earth, they’re kind of airy-fairy, really.

Freddie Mercury

To be queer is to treat art like the mirror it often isn’t. To be queer is to realize that the mirror can’t return your love.

Alfred Soto, “What It Means To Be Queer”

In life, Mercury was a grand house: his bandmates saw one set of rooms, his family another, his lovers another. “I play on the bisexual thing because it’s something else, it’s fun,” he told Melody Maker in 1974. “But I don’t put on the show because I feel I have to, and the last thing I want to do is give people an idea of exactly who I am. I want people to work out their own interpretation of me and my image.”

Mercury was, to paint a broad coat, a bisexual whose sexual relationships were mostly with men. He’d refuse to define himself, instead happy to cheekily affirm whatever an interviewer thought they knew. “I’m as gay as a daffodil, dear,” when asked if he was “queer”; pushed to commit to being straight, gay, or bisexual in 1976, he said “I sleep with men, women, cats, you name it.” At one point in the early Eighties, he was in essentially a polycule with a male Tyrolean restaurateur, a male Irish hairdresser, and a German actress. For Mercury, locking oneself into a definition committed the mortal sin of being boring. So he’d dress as a “butch” gay man and front a band called Queen. He’d stand before tens of thousands, enacting the apparent obvious, which some of his fans couldn’t see. This was his magic trick.

That said, he fenced off his private life—his platonic relationship with Mary Austin was played up as his true romance while various male lovers were never to be mentioned. (People, 1977: “Austin, 26, a former shop girl turned Mercury’s quiet live-in lovely for seven years..admits to being “a bit puzzled” by her relationship with a simulated bisexual, but apologizes for him: “He’s mentally all over the place.”) There was a deep measure of fear, distrust, guilt. He was the first-born son in a religiously observant family, and one who would never have children, a wife, or a “respectable” job; his peers were mostly white British boys who’d tell biographers decades later that Freddie “didn’t seem gay to me.”

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Queen’s co-producer John Anthony: In 1972, “Freddie showed me copies of Harpers & Queen magazine and said ‘This is what we are about..it’s not just the name, it’s the pictures, the articles, the whole thing..This is how we want our record to sound, like different topics and different photos’.”

He roamed free in his songs. “He was this absolute nerd. A toothy nerd, who grew into his own fantasy,” his song publisher David Stark said.  For Queen and Queen II, Mercury wrote songs full of Jesus and holy madmen; he chronicled the fall of fairy kingdoms, including Rhye, a secret world that he and his sister had invented as children.

Composition was hard at first. He envied how May could write proper songs—verse, chorus, solo, all of it!—while he labored at his piano, only able to make fragments (he had some of the first part of “Bohemian Rhapsody” in the late Sixties—when a friend, Chris Smith, heard it on the radio in 1975, his first thought was “oh, Freddie’s finished the song.”)

But writing songs via a glue-these-bits-together method helped maintain the interest, he found. He’d dance his fingers over the black keys and would, if his bands would allow it, modulate a half-dozen times in a song. Why stay in the same place? How ordinary. Don’t repeat the verse again. Go somewhere else. The peak of his early style is “March of the Black Queen,” with five different sections (each part with multiple subsections) linked by loose connecting tissue (roller-coaster vocal harmonies, ping-ponged guitar), all with manic shifts in meter and key. As Queen Songs notes, “Black Queen” is a procession through every major and minor chord (plus lots of augmented and flatted ones), with all 12 notes of the chromatic scale used as roots at some point. In its most radical sections there’s no discernible tonality—each subsequent chord overturns the attempt of the previous one to impose order.

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It was his titanic period of songwriting, his songs ruled by grand characters. Great King Rat (“every second word he swore/ yes he was the son of a whore!” and who dies at age 44 of disease, a year before Mercury would); the Fairy King; variations on Christ: the original, celebrity healer of lepers, and Mad the Swine, who has doubts about humanity’s value. Pleas to Fathers and Mothers (the latter also the confessor figure of “Bohemian Rhapsody”), ragefully begging forgiveness. “Liar” is a courtroom drama in which Mercury defends and prosecutes himself.

The Fairy Feller’s Master Stroke” came from a Richard Dadd painting (made while Dadd was confined in an insane asylum after having murdered his father), which Mercury had taken his band to see at the Tate. His phrasing was inspired enough to make a line like “tatterdemalion and a junketer/ there’s a thief and a dragonfly trumpeter” singable. Of more obscure origins is “Ogre Battle,” whose key detail is that the ogres fight within a two-way mirror mountain where “you can’t see in but they can see out.” (In these songs, sequenced on Queen II‘s “black side,” a motif is Roger Taylor’s harmonies, shrieking a series of AHHHH-AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAHs like a rattled ghost).

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The finale of Queen II is “Seven Seas of Rhye” in which Mercury casts himself as the Cortez of his childhood escape world, the usurper bringing it to heel, sacking the cities. It was Queen’s first hit.

Fear me you lords and lady preachers!
I descend upon your earth from the skies!

The follow-up hit was the Killer Queen, Mercury’s idealized sexual vampire figure, his jumble of Modesty Blaise, Eartha Kitt’s Catwoman, Holly Golightly, and Mata Hari. A response to the straight and gay worlds’ suspicions of the bisexual, as someone not to be fully trusted, someone who’s not serious, “insatiable in appetite,” dynamite with a laser beam. Brian May’s solo is her dance of triumph, the vocal harmonies a set of wry marginal commenters (“perfume came naturally from Paris (nat’rally!)”)

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The epilogue was “Lily of the Valley,” regarded by some in Mercury’s orbit as being for Austin (May, to Mojo, 1999: “It’s about looking at his girlfriend and realizing that his body needed to be somewhere else.”) Rhye is conquered, its ruler dethroned, the last messenger from the fallen frontiers brings the news. Off the sad king goes into a life of exile.

As “Seven Seas of Rhye” fades, Queen rumbles through the music hall song “I Do Like To Be Beside the Seaside” (also whistled at the start of “Brighton Rock,” which led off the next album). In the mid-Seventies, Mercury shifted into pastiche, exquisite fabrications: spins on Broadway vamp songs (“Bring Back That Leroy Brown“, “Good Old Fashioned Lover Boy“) and pseudo-Edwardian novelties (“Seaside Rendezvous,” “Lazing on a Sunday Afternoon”).

These were well-crafted, catchy, fun (it was the spirit of Paul McCartney, who also liked to scurry off into his neverlands) but their collective unreality bothered some critics of the time. What were these songs doing on an ostensibly hard rock record? What was the point of this stuff?

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Mercury wrote “Bicycle Race” in the summer of 1978 while in Montreux, after a stage of the Tour de France had raced through town. He caught his wry perspective in a song, like a sunbeam trapped on a photograph—a yen to keep removed, to avoid the contagion of the Seventies (he hates Star Wars and Jaws, is bored by Watergate); a delight in devising some new spectacle to occupy him.

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“Bicycle Race” was another pianist’s folly: each section is in a different key, chock full of mixed meters (6/8 and 9/8 alone in the “bicycle races are coming your way” section), irregular bars, broken phrasings—-it’s shot through with weirdness. “Freddie wrote in strange keys,” May said in 1999. “Oddball keys that his fingers naturally used to go to…E-flat, F, A-flat. They’re the last things you want to be playing on guitar, so as a guitarist you’re forced to find new chords. Fred’s songs were so rich in chord structures you always found yourself making strange shapes with your fingers.”

Queen whisks together the bicycle race itself: a few bars of nearly an octave’s worth of bicycle bells, then May as a dueling pair of lead racers (runs up the D major scale), one pulling ahead, the other roaring past in a vip-dash of speed, the first pedaling furiously in response. It’s the Ogre Battle resumed, if a bit sleeker.

Bicycle! bicycle! bicycle!” (note the emphasis on the first syllable: it is Freddie, after all). It’s Queen as Mercury’s train set, the greatest one he ever could have imagined: this group of miraculous, devoted fantasists.

I Am a Scientist

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Brian May and coelostat in Tenerife, 1971 (May Archive)

I’m the only one in the band from the artistic field. The others are all scientists.

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Not long after Queen formed, Brian May lived in a hut on the island of Tenerife, photographing zodiacal light. “I was looking at dust in the solar system,” he told Sounds in 1975. “There’s a lot of it around. I was…using a spectrometer to look for Doppler shifts in the light that came from them, and from that you can find out where they’re going, and possibly where they came from. It has a lot to do with how the solar system was formed.”

Some who work in laboratories daydream about being rock guitarists. May is a rock guitarist who perhaps daydreams about working in a laboratory. His life has been that of a Walter Mitty in reverse.

On stage, May would linger by the drum riser, suddenly dart downstage, execute a Hendrix/Townshend move and retreat. He was a guitar hero in bursts. “May was light years ahead of me but he did not have any fire in his bollocks,” Chris Dummett, an earlier bandmate of Mercury’s, told Queen biographer Mark Hodkinson. “Freddie thought Brian was suburban and droopy.” May was Queen’s absent-minded professor; his producers found that a question about microphones or what type of tea he wanted could begin a half-hour-long conversation.

Yet he wrote some of the crassest, bawdiest songs Queen ever recorded. “Fat Bottomed Girls” is his, as is “Tie Your Mother Down” and “Brighton Rock” (one earlier title: “Happy Little Fuck”). Queen’s headbanging dominance songs are mostly his as well, from “We Will Rock You” to the Highlander villain’s cage-match howl “Gimme the Prize” to “I Want It All.” He liked to say he wrote character pieces for Mercury to voice, but after a while, it looked like the professor was getting his kicks out as well.

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May with Red Special, ca. 1963-1964; cat, Squeaky, is mourned in “All Dead, All Dead

He’s of the line of guitarist-mechanics, his key predecessors Les Paul (pioneer of multi-tracking guitar lines via multiple tape recorders) and the Shadows’ Hank Marvin. “That guitar came…in response to the Shadows. I loved their metallic sound,” May said of his homemade “Red Special.” (He also learned to play “single note style,” rather than strumming, via Shadows records.)

May and his father, an electronic draftsman for the Ministry of Aviation, built the Red Special in the early Sixties. It was the make-do ethos of the Blitz—the Mays could have built the guitar from the remnants of a bombed-out-house. Its neck came from a fireplace, its tremolo arm was a knitting needle, its fretboard had mother-of-pearl buttons from a sewing kit; motorcycle valve springs balanced the tension of its strings. The finishing touch was three Tri-Sonic single-coil pickups, each with on/off and phase switches. (“The only problem comes in breaking a string,” he told Guitar Player. “The whole thing goes out, a total war.”)

The Red Special, along with a Vox AC30 amp and his use of sixpence coins as picks, gave May a unique tone. Guitar World called it “nasal, hollow, midrange,” as good a description as any. You know it when you hear it. With it as his trademark, May could play in different voices while maintaining his identity on record, from the debutante solo of “Killer Queen” to the rockabilly blast (on Fender Telecaster) in “Crazy Little Thing Called Love.” For party tricks, he’d do the occasional Spanish guitar bit (“Who Needs You”) or ukulele-banjo fill (“Bring Back That Leroy Brown”).

He almost always multi-tracked—the “no synthesizers!” claim on Queen’s Seventies albums was meant for those who’d assumed the band used a Moog or ARP to get the guitar sounds. Starting out using delay machines, May became fascinated by canonical structures as a way to arrange his guitars and songs. The furthest extension of this was “The Prophet’s Song,” in which Mercury’s voice becomes another variation on his canons. It’s possible the entire band might have been consumed by this—imagine John Deacon lost in a mirror-cave of canonical basslines—if May hadn’t shifted towards more straight-ahead rockers in the late Seventies.

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In 1965, May went to Imperial College to study physics and infrared astronomy and played in rock bands in his spare hours. The guitar finally won, so he played it like a scientist.

There’s a needle-precision to every line he plays: it’s as if he’ll fine himself if he hits a bum note. Few rock guitarists listened as intently as he did on stage—you can see him crane his neck towards Mercury or Deacon in the midst of a song and snap out a response. He tried to vary his playing each night, swap in a new note or two and see where it led. If this was nowhere, he’d pull out some old tricks to get through the song.

In his Pick Up the Pieces, John Corbett pegs as May a throwback, akin to a lead trumpeter in a swing band: “Solos secreted into ongoing events.” Working in support of the song, striding from the bandstand for a solo, offering an aside or counterpoint figure during another player’s spotlight moment, occasionally introducing the lead singer with an understated gesture.

When May was indulgent, it was in the service of an abstraction. Take the massive guitar solo in “Brighton Rock,” which bloated to twenty minutes on stage (Mercury took the opportunity to change outfits, and once got so restless he was heard saying “for God’s sake, let’s go shopping! Get me out of here!”). May ported the solo from song to song (it began in a Smile song called “Blag,” then became the solo in live versions of “Son and Daughter” before he settled it in “Brighton Rock”), like moving a grand piano from house to house. “Now we don’t do ‘Brighton Rock’ anymore,” he said in 1983. “So it’s gone full circle. In the beginning the solo was there and the song was around it. Now the song’s gone and the solo’s there.”

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May makes peace with the Linn, ca. early 1980s

He was Mercury’s ideal counterpart. If Freddie was practiced spontaneity, May was cool diligence; if Freddie was camp, May was earnest (he did write “White Man”), though he had a sly sense of humor; if Freddie was Queen’s sartorial variable, May, who’s had the same Restoration Parliament haircut for half a century, was its constant.

And May was also Queen’s skeptic, looking askance at the promises of rock music: the dream of a carnival life, of professional excess, of living out the desires of the mob. He wrote of the toxic side of touring (“Dead on Time,” “Leaving Home Ain’t Easy”) and its erosion of marriages and families. After all, he’d let down his parents. May was their brilliant only child who had thrown away an esteemed professional life to play guitar on “Ogre Battle.” “The two worst things I ever did in [my father’s] eyes were: one, give up my academic career to become a pop star,” May told OK in 1998. “And two, living with a woman.”

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“Dance band” overdubs in “Good Company”

Two of May’s finest songs, each on A Night at the Opera, work in this theme. “Good Company” is a performing life laid upon a slab. A man marries, flourishes “in my humble trade,” his reputation grows, his work consumes his waking hours. Eventually his friends are all gone, his wife leaves him and he realizes, sitting by the fire in old age, that he’s always been alone. “Reward of all my efforts: my own limited company.”

But the limited company is a marvel. With a ukulele, a Wah-Wah and swell pedal, a cloth-covered Deacy amp and the usual multi-tracking on the Red Special, May becomes a Twenties jazz band: “brass” and “winds” harmonies in the bridge; chromatic scale runs to impersonate slide trombone and clarinet lines; a Dixieland solo section for three guitars, moving in tight harmony or answering each other. It’s an astonishing group performance by one man sitting alone in a studio.

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Some of Taylor’s “space travel” high harmonies for “’39” (May: “There was one note Roger refused to sing. Eventually I accepted the note he sang and varisped it up to make it the one I wanted.”)

A folk song from the future, May once called “’39”. “Volunteers” go into space to find a new world to settle, leaving their families behind. Thanks to a time-warp, when the astronauts return home, they’re only a year older while a century has passed on earth. Everyone they loved is ancient or long dead. It’s an SF variation on Tom T. Hall’s “Homecoming”: a traveling performer comes home to find it’s no longer there.

May had read Herman Hesse’s “The Poet,” whose title character leaves to apprentice to an older poet and grows so absorbed in his craft “that by the time he came back to his people, they were all dead and gone,” May said. “The last thing in the book was him staring across the river to his town, which was no longer his because none of his friends were alive…maybe that was subconsciously what [“39″] was about, going out in search of an artistic career and being afraid of leaving everything behind…This business destroys your family life quicker than anything else I think.”

In “’39,” the singer greets his now-elderly daughter, sees in her eyes those of the wife whom he never saw grow old. He’s stranded in the future. “For my life, still ahead: pity me.”

Bismillah! Mustapha! Flash! AAAAH-AAAH!

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I don’t really know anything about opera myself. Just certain pieces. I wanted to create what I thought Queen could do. It’s not authentic…certainly not.

Freddie Mercury, 1976.

Tom Ewing wrote, years ago, of a North London pub that once had a CD jukebox, one of whose selections was Queen’s Greatest Hits. Next to “Bohemian Rhapsody” was a handwritten note: DO NOT PLAY. NOT FUNNY.

A karaoke room in midtown Manhattan, the early 2000s. I’m settling up with the manager when a door opens, exposing us to a shattered rendition of “Bohemian Rhapsody.” The singer is foundering, as many have before and since, somewhere in the ‘operatic’ section. The manager shakes her head: “That one—never good.”

“Bohemian Rhapsody” is Queen’s biggest hit, most famous song, the one that broke them in the Seventies, revived them in the Nineties. In a century’s time, it will be around in some form, like gingivitis and Scientology. And yet, as Ewing wrote, “Bohemian Rhapsody” has “a very weird place in rock music. It is known by millions, loved by millions, but somehow still not quite…respectable.” More “Paradise by the Dashboard Light” than “Like a Rolling Stone,” it’s an overloaded cheeseburger of a track. You might be embarrassed to play it in mixed company. Or alone. Even its name is a bit ridiculous. Philip Glass will never turn it, as he did Bowie’s “Berlin” albums, into a legitimate symphony. It is not legitimate.

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It began as “The Cowboy Song,” a pianist’s piece, with Mercury using a cross-handed technique: his right hand mostly plays chordal and bass figures, allowing his left, at the end of every bar, to strike out further along the keyboard and hit high notes. (Mercury being double-jointed helped.) This part of the song’s set in B-flat (the key of the “ballad” intro section) and E-flat (upon the second verse, “too late…”), and fairly traditional: its harmonic movements are pop song staples, its phrasing square.

“Bohemian Rhapsody” was a classic rock “builder” of the Seventies, in the line of “Stairway to Heaven” and “Free Bird.” Start out solemn and acoustic, inflate into a stadium rocker. But Queen bridged its ballad and rock sections with something Ronnie Van Zant never would have countenanced. After running through the opening verses for producer Roy Thomas Baker, Mercury stopped and said, “this is where the opera section comes in.”

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He’d sketched pages of ideas in accountant notebooks from his father’s office. “It wasn’t standard musical notation,” May said. “But As and Bs and Cs in blocks, like buses zooming all over bits of paper.” These were Mercury’s thoughts for vocal harmonies, which were generally four-part (if multi-tracked to near-infinity), and lyrics.

The opera section of “Bohemian Rhapsody” is the garbled shorthand that comes to mind when many people hear the word “opera,” which is one reason why so many love it. Dramatically sung “Italian” words! Mamma Mia! Silhouetto! Magnifico! Figaro! Galileo! Dramatically sung words from other European languages! Fandango! Fragments of some inexplicable struggle on stage! Wagnerian “thunderbolt and lightning,” a Don Giovanni or Faust death scene: Beelzebub has a devil put aside for me! For meeee! For meeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee! There’s even the Arabic blessing bismillah, recited before reading each surah of the Koran; here, Mercury hisses it like a curse. It’s “exotic,” silly (Thomas Baker’s apprentice work with the D’Oyly Carte Opera Co. came in handy) and absolutely, painstakingly crafted, with a head-swimming rhythmic structure. The section of tape that held the “opera” parts eventually looked like a street crossing, thanks to the vocal overdubs—about 180, all told. Three weeks to get it all done, including dozens of “Galileos.”

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When the rock section kicks in, it’s euphoric but short—one verse, a brief solo, and then it sinks into the “nothing really matters” coda.

There’s the biographical reading, of course. A young man, confessing his guilt and self-loathing to his mother, is transfigured via his band of fellow theater weirdos into becoming, in the rock section, an all-conquering libertine figure. It’s a parallel to Bowie’s “Station to Station,” recorded around the same time—a man trapped in a circle digs a way out. After “Bohemian Rhapsody,” Mercury is reborn, devoted to lust and pleasure (“Get Down, Make Love,” “Don’t Stop Me Now,” “Body Language”) and writing discreetly-open songs about being in love with men (“You Take My Breath Away”).

It’s also the transformation, and culmination, of Queen. “We were all late developers, really,” May said in 1977. “Late starters…it’s interesting that we’ve arrived where we are so late.” Queen only could have existed in a post-Beatles world—they’re in the mold of the fragmenting White Album Beatles (four distinct personalities, each working in their own worlds) and Abbey Road (the “long medley” is, in a way, the first Queen song).

A massive UK #1 (it would take Mike Myers and a trio of metalheads in the back of a Pacer to make it an American chart hit, decades later), it made Queen, and they would never be this fearless again. Knowing they could never top “Bohemian Rhapsody,” the band was content with doing sub-variations: on A Day at the Races they broke it into “The Millionaire Waltz” (multi-part song structure) and “Somebody to Love” (honeycomb vocal harmonies). “Bohemian Rhapsody” would be their pyramid of Giza, its construction (and budget) inexplicable to future generations, built to awe and endure.

Its cracked spirit is in corners of Queen’s later work. See the gonzo opening track of Jazz, “Mustapha,” a hothouse mingle of Greek and Arabic music in the spirit of the operatic section. Or the theme song for Flash Gordon, where Queen’s invocation of Flash sounds as if they’re calling him down from Olympus.

Their most devoted attempt at a proper sequel was “Innuendo,” one of their last songs. Roughly the same length as “Bohemian Rhapsody,” again with intricate, multiple sections, again a UK #1, it’s had none of the longevity of “Bohemian Rhapsody.” I imagine that few non-Queen fans recall it today, whereas everyone knows some piece of “Boho Rhap”—Mamma Mia, just killed a man, spit in my eye, Scaramouche! As long as there are (virtual) jukeboxes and karaoke rooms, whether it’s in a Grimes-Musk space station or a barroom in the wheat fields of the Arctic, “Bohemian Rhapsody” will still be heard, despite the note attached to it that reads: DO NOT PLAY, NOT FUNNY.

Funster

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Well, he’s a rock and roll person, completely dedicated to rock and roll. He’s a pleasure seeker, which he wouldn’t deny to anybody. He loves the life that surrounds rock and he gives himself completely up to that.

May, on Roger Taylor, to Melody Maker, December 1975

Roger Taylor is from Truro, Cornwall, and has played in rock groups since he was fourteen. Starting as a guitarist, he became a Mod drummer. Electric blue suits and ties; a target painted on his kick drum à la Keith Moon. He did other Moon-esque tricks, like coating his cymbals in oil and setting them ablaze. At university, he studied to be a dentist. Checking an Imperial College bulletin board, he saw that a student band was looking for a “Ginger Baker/ Mitch Mitchell-type drummer” and his life took a swerve.

In any other band, Taylor could have been the frontman. He could compose and sing (with a heavy-metal range, from hitting sky-high notes to a growling low end) and he was gorgeous. In Queen, he was the drummer.

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As a drummer, Taylor is in the Ringo Starr league. Not splashy, not one to sneak in fills or “perform” on his kit, he stays close to the ground and handles whatever his bandmates throw at him. His timekeeping was solid—on stage, he could quickly settle a tempo that Mercury started at an overheated pace (see “Crazy Little Thing Called Love” at Wembley in 1986)—and his style was distinct. He like to have an open hi-hat with his snare hits; he kept his kick work heavy and simple (he never liked the sound of that drum) and sprinted across his high and medium toms for fills. He’ll never be regarded as a drum ace, which is fine by him. “Every time I see Carmine Appice he’s going on about all sorts of amazing things,” Taylor told Modern Drummer in 1984. “He might as well be talking about cupcakes.”

His philosophy was: “You either have time or you don’t. If you don’t have it, there’s no chance that you’ll ever be any good, really. You can’t teach a person time.”

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Taylor’s Queen songs are a narrative. Call it the Life of Funster, from “Tenement Funster” on Sheer Heart Attack. A young, callow man believes in little else but rock and roll and its accessories (new purple shoes, fast cars, sharp haircut, 45s that you blast all night to drive the neighbors crazy)—as a way of life, as a sect with rules, as an escape from middle class expectations. “Never wanted to be the boy next door. Always thought I’d be something more,” as he sings in his waltz “Drowse.”

He’s petulant and arrogant—-see “Loser in the End,” a boy’s break-up song with his mother, or “I’m in Love With My Car,” in which Funster chooses car over girl, because cars don’t talk back and anyway, his car is hotter. But he also can be sweet and melancholy (again, see “Loser in the End” where he stands up for beleaguered mothers everywhere, howling to his fellow boys that if you “misuse her! you’ll lose her! as a friend!”) He already sees middle-age staring back at him from the mirror.

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He started one of his best songs in 1974 and finished it three years later, when it was seen as Queen’s response to punk. “Sheer Heart Attack” was, apart from Mercury’s vocals, mostly Taylor—guitars, bass, drums. It opens by turning the Beatles’ “I Saw Her Standing There” on its head. That was the heat of the teenage dancehall: she was just seventeen/ you know what I mean. “Sheer Heart Attack” is the kid back in her room, hiding away from the world. You’re just seventeen/ all you wanna do is disappear! Know what I mean?

The kid’s pacing around their room and trying to kick through the wall. Doyouknow doyouknow doyouknow just how I feel? ,already knowing the answer, and ends the verses stuck in a scratch groove:

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Devoting yourself to rock ‘n’ roll is to pledge to a failing religion. People at shows, whether groupies or fans, “line up like it’s some kinda ritual,” he groans in exhaustion. Right from the start, with “Modern Times Rock ‘n’ Roll” off Queen’s debut, rock needs a blood infusion. The first line Taylor sings on record, in a bluesy phrasing with peaks on high Gs, is “have to make do with a worn-out rock and roll scene… “’58 that was great but it’s over now and that’s ALL!

In “Fight From the Inside” he makes the case for working within the system—the pinup on the teenage wall can still try to inflict some damage from within EMI Records. By Jazz, an album Taylor has little affection for (“my songs were very patchy…it was an ambitious album that didn’t live up to its ambition”), there’s a disgust with pop music, this crass job. “Only football gives us thrills,” Taylor sings in the sort-of title song. “Rock and roll…just pays the bills.”

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“Rock It (Prime Jive)” opens in 6/8, with Mercury singing when he hears that rock and roll it gets down to his soul. Blah blah blah: more of that jazz. It cuts to Taylor, firming into 4/4:  What do you know? he says. He’s heard a lot of claims for rock, too many. What do you hear? On the Ray-dee-o?

Along with John Deacon, Taylor was Queen’s A&R department (whereas Mercury, as per Mark Blake, told an EMI executive “he didn’t understand the whole punk thing. It wasn’t music to him”). He was looking to see who might get a jump on his band, and steal enough to keep Queen current. “Loser in the End” nicks the riff from T. Rex’s “Children of the Revolution”; “Coming Soon” is a bit late Seventies ELO; “Rock It (Prime Jive)” could have been called “I’m In Love With (The Cars).” Later on, his reflexes were slower: “Machines” and “Radio Ga Ga” is the apparent result of Taylor hearing Kraftwerk; “The Invisible Man” sounds like a mix of “Ghostbusters” and “White Lines.”

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As with everyone in Queen, he had his contradictions. The band’s purist (“it’s not rock ‘n’ roll, what is this?” he said while cutting “Another One Bites the Dust”), Taylor was first to break the “no synthesizers” rule, using electronic drums on Jazz‘s “Fun It” and getting the Oberheim OB-X that became Queen’s gateway into the synth world on The Game. Soon enough he moved from writing on guitar to keyboards, using a Simmons sequencer. “The guitar is quite a difficult instrument, actually, when you’re trying to compose melodically,” he said. “You have to have all your chords together, and then you need to put something on top.”

He even became a convert to the LinnDrum. “You can make it sound human…You can even program in the slight timing discrepancies that come with non-electronic drums. You can even push the beat or lay it back. It’s all there…Because all this technology exists, you simply can’t ignore it. One can’t be retrogressive in this business.”

“Radio Ga Ga,” Taylor’s song on the rise of MTV at the expense of corporate radio (the title came from his child saying “radio poo poo”—the band is singing “radio caca” at times), has a sweetness in its heart. Radio! Some..one…still…loves you!, Mercury sings, even promising radio that its best days are yet to come. A nice lie, which is what you need to get through sometimes. Funster’s still out there, though the kids blasting their music downstairs are driving him nuts. He’s spinning the dial deep into the night, listening for something.

“The First Truly Fascist Rock Band”

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Tea with General Viola; Argentina, 1981 (Neal Preston)

Very powerful. You feel like the devil. You feel you could run riot with all these people. Somebody else with a different mentality could really use it to their political advantage. Or disadvantage.

Freddie Mercury on performing, to Melody Maker, 1984

Early Queen got its share of pans, but there was a wary respect in the press: here’s a mix of Yes and Zeppelin, they’re fun and camp. Then they became inescapable and hated. Nick Kent’s initial dislike shuddered, by the release of A Day at the Races, into contempt. “All these songs with their precious pseudo-classical piano obbligato bearings, their precious impotent Valentino kitsch mouthings on romance, their spotlight on a vocalist so giddily enamoured with his own precious image—they literally make my flesh creep…grotesquery of the first order.”

Queen made for great villains in the punk years—jet-setting “operatic” rock stars drinking champagne on stage and throwing promo parties whose budgets could have covered the first Ramones albums. The fever spike was Dave Marsh’s review of Jazz for Rolling Stone:

The only thing Queen does better than anyone else is express contempt…Whatever its claims, Queen isn’t here just to entertain. This group has come to make it clear exactly who is superior and who is inferior. Its anthem, “We Will Rock You,” is a marching order: you will not rock us, we will rock you. Indeed, Queen may be the first truly fascist rock band. The whole thing makes me wonder why anyone would indulge these creeps and their polluting ideas.

This idea of Queen as a Triumph of the Will rock act persisted. Eleanor Levy, reviewing a 1984 Birmingham gig for Record Mirror: “When ‘Radio Ga Ga’ is played, a whole sea of clone hands clap and point to the stage in a manner more reminiscent of the Nuremberg Rallies than a ‘rock’ concert. It’s faintly disturbing.” David Quantick, profiling Queen for the NME in 1986, on the “I Want to Break Free” video: “We explode into a Queen concert and, yes, it’s another bloody Nuremberg rally. Queen as Gods of Valhalla again.”

Queen was used by now to bad press, and Mercury in particular enjoyed baiting journalists, but they considered this a criticism that bordered on the insane. “I mean, we are a fairly arrogant band. We have had our moments when we were overtly tasteless,” Taylor said in 1984. “We were also accused of being fascists. That was during the time of “We Will Rock You.” Some people said it was a cry of manipulation. It was no more fascist than Ray Charles’ “What’d I Say.”

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Mercury in Paris, 1979; Charlotte Rampling in The Night Porter (1974)

For Marsh, Queen was simply everything he hated— university-educated pretentious “prog” Brits— twined into one quartet and he reacted the way that my dog does when she smells a skunk. But the fascist slam didn’t come out of nowhere: it was one way to grapple with what Queen represented at the end of the Seventies.

Queen’s relationship to their crowds could be mystifying. To those mystified, there seemed to be some element of dominance, of shock and awe being inflicted at a grand scale. Chet Flippo, after a 1977 concert: “Based on audience appeal, [Queen] got the job done. I’m just not sure what the job is.” Or Sounds, on a Birmingham audience in 1984. “It’s like they actually believe in this band, like their lives are fully dependent on them…as if they honestly look upon Queen as (sincere respectful tones) IMPORTANT.”

What would a rock band for the masses really look like? You might like to think it was something like The Clash but it was much more Queen: selling by the millions, packing stadiums, performing songs that were extravagant, relentless fun—rock music as two hours of roller-coaster rides and tunnels-of-love and bumper cars.

The working stiff was the ideal rock ‘n’ roll audience. Rock ‘n’ roll was going to liberate them, maybe radicalize them. And it turned out that many of them just wanted to go home after eight hours on the floor and blast “Fat Bottomed Girls” and, once a year, stand in a hockey rink and sing “she was such a naughty! nanny!” along with ten thousand others while Freddie Mercury conducts from the stage.

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One of Queen’s Rock In Rio shows in 1985: 250,000 to 350,000 in attendance

“We Will Rock You” was far from Marsh’s concept of Queen pissing on its crowds. May wrote it after hearing an audience sing “You’ll Never Walk Alone” before the encore and realizing “we can no longer fight this. This has to be something which is part of our show and we have to embrace it…everything becomes a two-way process now.” Hence the bleacher-stomp beat and a melody even someone with a sandpapered voice could sing.

Mercury had cultivated an ironic relationship with his audience, calling them “luvvies,” breaking the fourth wall, letting them in on the jokes. “I could cause a riot if I wanted to but I still think that’s a minor matter,” he said in 1981. “Because it’s all very tongue-in-cheek, you must realize that, for me, anyway. I like to ridicule myself…If we were a different kind of band, with messages and political themes, then it would be totally different. That’s why I can wear sort of ridiculous shorts and things like that, ham it up with semi-Gestapo salutes. It’s all kitsch.”

When Queen moved to the arena level, Mercury had to work on larger scales, move his performance even more outward, sing to an abstract “we” (and it was down to him—Tom Jones had livelier support on stage than Mercury did). Songs became less complex, less strange, more of a brand: Mercury now did lead vocals on most of Taylor and May’s pieces. It was a communal voice, a stadium plural, that of the “people on streets” of their and Bowie’s “Under Pressure.” If you can’t beat ’em, join ’em. Play the game: everyone play the game. Put out the fire! He’ll save every one of us! Save me!

“We Will Rock You”/”We Are the Champions” is a dialogue. Queen sings it to the masses, who chant it back at them. There’s no time for losers because everyone’s a winner—at least everyone who’s singing along. Queen are four men set against enough people to fill an army corps; they hold the balance of power because they pretend to be big as their crowds want them to be. In their vastness was a mirror. “Queen were never selfish,” Rick Sky once said. “They were always anxious that everyone else was having just as great a time as they were.”

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Each Queen tour had to be greater than the previous one—more seats filled, more sophisticated lights, bigger props. This culminated in their 1986 Wembley show, where the stage set was so enormous that it barely fit into the stadium. Taylor was effusive: “We are going to have the biggest stage ever built at Wembley with the greatest light show ever seen….bigger than bigness itself.”

They grew apart as they got bigger, as often happens. Divided on the road into “gay” (Mercury and entourage) and “hetero” camps (Taylor and May—Deacon liked to hang out with the tech crew), the four of them were surrounded by minders, who’d run off to get them a drink or, in Mercury’s case, accompany him to the bathroom. They cut their albums with each member recording many of their parts alone in the studio. So the dream of perpetual bigness, of breaking some attendance record, opening some new market, of trumping the Bowies and Jaggers, was one of the things holding them together. An eccentric startup was now a global corporation whose main pleasure lay in outrageous new acquisitions.

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And in this pursuit of bigness, you may find yourself breaking bread with the Argentine junta in 1981, with money that your promoters have used to grease the wheels in government perhaps going towards new helicopters that people will be thrown out of. Or you may play to all-white crowds in Sun City in 1984, with Nelson Mandela still in prison.

“A Queen audience is a football crowd which doesn’t take sides,” May once said. They played for whoever bought a ticket—that was the essential transaction. Queen’s argument was that their fans weren’t their governments. And true, for the Argentines, for the Brazilians, having a big rock band play their country was a validation, a brief escape; the shows were community for a night.

I come back to the photos of Queen goofing around with Argentine soldiers. Or maybe they’re cops. It’s understandable, it’s not damning or anything—they were a rock band, they were doing silly shots not meant to be published, it’s no big deal. And I think about the Argentine-American writer Sonia Nazario, who recalled how her family burned Alice In Wonderland in their backyard out of fear, whose sister was raped and tortured in prison, whose friend had every bone in his face broken and then was disappeared. I looked it up: there are fourteen bones in the facial skeleton.

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The flip side is Live Aid. Bohemian Rhapsody cemented it as Queen’s greatest live performance but the legend started early.

Queen were one of the few acts that day who knew how to handle so massive a crowd. They made sure their soundman set the limiters to make them louder than everyone else, and they’d honed their set in rehearsals to a tight twenty minutes, paced expertly. Start with Mercury on piano on classic, move to big recent hit, have “ey-yo” break & not-so-big recent hit, and close with three standards.

Mercury aims his performance at a flyspeck in the middle distance in the late Wembley afternoon—he’s moving across the stage as if he’d charted it out step-by-step beforehand; he’s charging at May and the cameramen like a matador. The half-mike stand is his guitar, his barbell, his dick. He’s singing to the crowd, which could populate a city; he’s singing to the millions watching on television, even though US MTV cuts away midway through to interview Marilyn McCoo (Queen were on the outs in the US, see below). He knows in his bones that nothing like this festival of pomposity and earnestness may ever happen again. So Mercury, so Queen, sings to the future. They are singing to a twelve-year-old girl watching on YouTube while home in quarantine. She marvels at how wide open the past looks.

Deacon Blues

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John Deacon was the first one in Queen to cut his hair, earning him the nickname “Birdman” because everyone thought he resembled Burt Lancaster’s convict in Birdman on Alcatraz. Deacon’s wasn’t the test-the-waters haircut many rock musicians did in the late Seventies. No, he looked like he could be in The Jam.

In a Seventies band, the one who cut their hair the earliest was usually the one who cared least about maintaining the look of the act (Charlie Watts) or most keen-eyed towards the future (Lindsey Buckingham). Deacon was something of both.

He was the enigma of Queen, partly because he was an introvert in a band led by the biggest extrovert on the planet. The last to join, Deacon never sang on record and was rarely interviewed. He kept tabs on the money—EMI promotion head Brian Southall recalled to Queen biographer Mark Blake that Deacon would use his then-newfangled Seiko digital watch calculator to “add up Queen royalties in four different countries.” Deacon greatly enjoyed being in Queen but didn’t take it too seriously: one story has him drinking after a show when someone put on the Flash Gordon soundtrack. After a time, he turned to a roadie and asked “what is this?”

Born in 1951 (he was Queen’s youngster), he grew up in Oadby, Leicestershire, where he was known for being quiet and excelling at school. He played (guitar, then bass) in a suburban Mod band called The Opposition. “We weren’t extreme at all,” Opposition drummer Clive Castledine recalled to Hodkinson. “The background we all had was quite sheltered, we were brought up in a decent way with a good lifestyle.”

In London studying electronics at Chelsea College, Deacon saw Queen play in October 1970 (“they didn’t make a lasting impression on me at the time”). Within a year, he’d joined them. He was ideal for Queen, who’d already burned through three bassists. He didn’t want the spotlight and, being an engineer, could double as a sound tech if needed.

He started writing songs for Queen, and soon saw the potential when one of your pieces was a B-side. Taylor’s “I’m Love With My Car” being the flip of “Bohemian Rhapsody,” which gave Taylor half the composer royalties from the 45 sales, was a windfall for the drummer. Deacon went one better: his second-ever released composition, “You’re My Best Friend,” was the A-side of the follow-up single.

Deacon mostly wrote love songs, spanning from clever miniatures (“Misfire,” “Who Needs You“) to the sentimental (“You and I”) to the shamelessly gooey (“One Year of Love,” complete with “Careless Whisper”-esque sax solo, by the same saxophonist!). There’s little specificity in his lyrics, which usually address “you”—they’re open spaces for a listener to settle into.

He was an economical composer, rarely changing key more than once and keeping his structures tight. “You’re My Best Friend” and “Spread Your Wings” have nearly the same chassis: keyboard intro, verse-refrain-bridge, verse-refrain-solo/bridge, outro (that said, Deacon had quirkier pieces, like “You and I,” which has bridges in place of refrains, and “In Only Seven Days” with its compound (3/8 + 3/8 + 2/8) meter).

Though credited as sole composer (a Queen agreement that lasted until the mid-Eighties: whoever wrote the lyric and “had the original idea” got full credit), Deacon was essentially in a partnership with Mercury, who would help to arrange and flesh out his songs. Deacon gave Mercury lush melodies to sing, and Mercury responded with beautifully intricate phrasings (listen to how much variation he puts into “You’re My Best Friend,” or the high drama in the showbiz weepie “Spread Your Wings”). They elevated and checked each other. It’s Deacon on the Wurlitzer that wraps “You’re My Best Friend” like a comfortable winter coat, as Mercury cracked that he found it too vulgar an instrument to play.

Queen (mostly) readies for the Eighties, 1979

I’m the only one in the group, really, who likes American black music.

Deacon, to Rolling Stone, 1981

And it was modest John Deacon who, after a night of partying with Nile Rodgers, hung out with Chic at the Power Station in New York while they recorded “Good Times” in 1979, with Deacon obviously keen on Bernard Edwards’ bass playing.

At The Game sessions the following year, Deacon had the pieces of a song: a title and an Edwards-inspired bassline. Where Edwards is tight and effusive, Deacon is terse, stoic—-staying on his E string, he moves from fifth to third fret and plays an open note; he sounds the open string five more times, varying note length; then does a spin on his opening move, slipping the open note between the two fretted notes. Variations come in the latter half of the verses (“are you happy? are you satisfied?”), where Deacon moves to his higher strings.

This terseness suited Deacon’s modern gunslinger theme (the cowboy or gangster here is “Steve,” under fire from unknown parties). Where “Good Times” is clams on the half shell and roller skates, “Another One Bites the Dust” is a shootout: it’s a move from Xanadu to The Wild Bunch.

Deacon seized control of the session. “The rest of us had no idea what Deakey was doing when he started this,” May recalled, while producer Reinhold Mack called Deacon a “bird who stays quiet until it lays the perfect egg.” Deacon wanted the drums dry and mechanical-sounding (snare on two and four, kick on every beat, constant hi-hat eighths), so Taylor stuffed his kick with blankets and cut a drum loop. “Another One Bites the Dust” was built from homemade samples: a backwards piano chord, backwards cymbal crashes, massive handclaps, drum loops that sound like handclaps, a slowed-down shaker, Harmonized guitar, “lion roar” guitar. Working against these systems are the two agitators: Mercury’s catty, exuberant lead vocal and May playing his “dirty little guitar” riffs.

Contact sheet, late 1981 (Lord Snowdon)

Queen first thought “Another One Bites the Dust” would be a weird album cut, another “Mustapha.” The singles from The Game were “Save Me” and “Play the Game,” both of which charted modestly. But by summer 1980, when Queen was touring the U.S., “Another One Bites the Dust” was getting heavy play in clubs and on black radio (in particular on New York’s WBLS). Backstage at one of Queen’s LA Forum concerts, Michael Jackson said they had to put it out as a single. It would be huge. And it was. One of their biggest-selling 45s, another US #1, “Another One Bites the Dust” was everywhere on the radio in the autumn of 1980. It even helped make the career of Weird Al Yankovic.

While it didn’t last long, its success would shape Queen for a time. “Under Pressure” has another minimalist bassline and sparse arrangement, while the Deacon/Mercury axis became the ruling party of the next Queen album, Hot Space, to the point where Deacon played guitar on tracks like “Back Chat” and “Staying Power” (May, to Mojo: “I remember John saying I didn’t play the type of guitar he wanted on his songs.”)

Hot Space has grown on me: a shameless, synth-crazy, odd post-disco (1982!) “disco sellout” record in which Queen, who admittedly were hanging out too much in Munich bars and sometimes cutting backing tracks drunk, manages to sound loose and desperate: dance tracks like “Back Chat” and “Staying Power” (horn section!); Taylor’s New Wave “Action This Day” and “Calling All Girls”; May’s wallflower dissent “Dancer,” which winds up swinging pretty hard. Even “Life Is Real (Song For Lennon),” among the more bizarre John Lennon tributes, is grotesque and fascinating (“breast-feeding myself/ what more can I say?…loving like a whore/ Lennon was a gene-ee-us”).

“I Want to Break Free,” the last of the great Deacon pop hits, was another veto of May, as Deacon pushed to use Fred Mandel’s synthesizer solo instead of the usual Red Special treatment (Roland later had a preset called “May Sound,” which Mandel said came from Roland techs hearing the solo on “Break Free,” assuming it was May on guitar, and mimicking it, “not realizing it was actually done on one of their own products,” he told Blake.)

Its video had Queen in drag, doing Coronation Street: Deacon as gran, May as mum, Taylor as schoolgirl, Mercury as frustrated housewife. In Britain, it was a laugh; in the US, not so much. A nation of stupid teenage boys freaked out that a band called Queen, led by Freddie Mercury, was…possibly gay?? Queen already had been cratering in popularity in America. Hot Space, disco at the height of anti-disco, hadn’t sold that well, and the band was a casualty in a battle between their label and radio stations. But the “Break Free” video was catastrophic (Peter Hince: “it killed them in the US”)—the single peaked at #45 in Billboard, and Queen wouldn’t have another US Top 40 hit until Mercury died.

One reason they never toured the US after 1982 was pride—they knew they couldn’t put up the numbers that Springsteen or even Dire Straits could, and so instead grew their audiences in Europe and Asia.

The Last Party

‘What am going to do in 20 years’ time?’ I’ll be dead, darling! Are you mad?

Freddie Mercury, Italian press conference, 1984

By the mid-Eighties, Mercury knew something was wrong. He got sick too often, developed lumps in his throat. Dozens of his friends were dying from AIDS-related symptoms. It’s unclear when he tested positive for HIV—biographies generally agree somewhere between 1985 and 1987 (Bohemian Rhapsody‘s depiction of Mercury revealing the news to his bandmates before Live Aid was dramatic license: they learned years later).

He knew Queen’s 1986 tour would be his last. He’d often had voice trouble on the road (one theory is that Mercury was a natural baritone who sang at the top of his range) and feared he’d be too weak to hold up through months of shows. The wild days were over. Spike Edney, keyboardist on the 1986 tour, recalled nights of sitting in Mercury’s suite and playing games of Scrabble and Trivial Pursuit (while drinking champagne, naturally).

What was left in the time remaining? Mercury sang with Montserrat Caballé and in 1988 began a last push with Queen in the studio, in Britain and Montreux, recording three albums, smoking and drinking vodka while propped up against the mixing desk, singing his head off.

These records—The Miracle, Innuendo, the posthumous Made in Heaven—are an odd bunch. Despite being performed by a dying man and a group who knew their days were ending, they’re not especially tragic albums. They sound perfunctory in places, an aging band grinding through passable late Eighties “rock” songs.

That said, there are sunset pieces. “Party” and “Khashoggi’s Ship,” lead-off tracks of The Miracle, in which fun times are over, but weren’t they grand while they lasted? The cheerful acceptance of bad luck in “Rain Must Fall” (“you lead a fairy tale existence,” Mercury tells the mirror—well, fairy tales end; the kingdom of Rhye fell), the appreciation of everyday life in “It’s a Beautiful Day,” Mercury’s love song to his cat “Delilah,” the arch “I’m Going Slightly Mad,” which, as Marcello Carlin noted, shows that Mercury was enjoying what Pet Shop Boys were up to at the time. The massive end statement “Was It All Worth It” (you can hear Freddie’s laugh at the title question. “Of course it was, darling…“)

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And “These Are the Days of Our Lives.” Taylor wrote it: the last Funster song. Sitting back and watching the kids go at it now, it’s grateful for life despite being in a hard stretch of it, knowing memories of warmer hours are sustenance in winter, that springtime will come again—in the second refrain, Mercury goes from singing “those were the days” to “these are the days.” It’s one of his subtlest, loveliest vocals, complete with asides to his beloved audience.

“I think it sort of came out of that slightly melancholic mood one gets occasionally,” Taylor recalled in 2011. “I guess I was just trying to put a more optimistic slant on it in a way. ‘Those were the days then, but also these are the days of our lives.’ Today is more important than yesterday, really.”

Queen filmed its video on 30 May 1991, in what would be their last documented time together (and it wasn’t the full quartet—May was in Los Angeles at the time, so his shots had to be edited in later). In the video, they look modest, casual, reduced, in line with how its arrangement is far from the ten-tracked guitars and hall-of-mirrors vocals of the old days—it’s mostly conga, string pads, bass, some tasteful guitar. In a closing shot, Mercury looks at the camera, smiles, says he still loves us. A few months later, he was gone.

I began this essay in late January, when the world looked much the same as it had during the last ten years. I finish it during a time of pandemic and likely economic depression. What do I hear in Queen today? I hear in them prosperity, the joy of being frivolous; I hear in them the happy noise of office parties, karaoke nights, slumber parties, pub singalongs, football chants, of community—photos of their stadium crowds are suddenly poignant images. Mamma Mia, Let Me Go! Fat Bottomed Girls! God Knows, God Knows I’ve Fallen in Love! I Want to Ride My…Bicycle! Queen remains contemporary, in terms of their influence on rock music. But dear God, how far away they seem right now.