ARE EU COUNTRIES’ CARBON REMOVAL PLANS ALIGNED WITH THE PARIS AGREEMENT?
Estimating the carbon removal responsibility of EU Member States.
INTRODUCING THE CARE CALCULATOR
The clock is ticking on the carbon budget—who will step up to remove CO₂?
The 2015 Paris Agreement set a global goal to limit warming to well below 2°C and strive for under 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels by the end of the century. To meet this goal, the cumulative amount of greenhouse gases (GHGs) emitted globally into the atmosphere must stay within set limits, referred to as the remaining carbon budget.
The latest estimates for staying below 1.5°C warming with little or no overshoot (meaning temporarily exceeding the temperature limits) and 2°C warming by the end of the century, suggest that the remaining carbon budget would be limited to around 130 and 1050 gigatonnes of carbon dioxide (GtCO2), respectively.
Climate pathways which stay within the boundaries of the Paris Agreement rely on both dramatic emissions reductions and significant amounts of carbon dioxide removal (CDR). During the second half of the century, these scenarios include CDR as the primary strategy, with a total of about 670 GtCO2 (450–1100 GtCO2) removed from the atmosphere globally by 2100.
But today, it remains unclear who will deliver these removals.
Mind the gap: are countries doing enough to scale carbon removal—or just covering their own emissions?
In the European Union, most member states currently aim for net zero emissions by 2050, with some aspiring to go net negative thereafter (visit Carbon Gap’s Policy Tracker). However, these plans often provide little indication of how or by how much, disregarding the need to work within the remaining carbon budget. There are several reasons for this situation:
- The lack of a roadmap and coordinated planning for how countries should contribute to the global CDR need.
- The heavy focus on reaching net zero can also explain why some jurisdictions do not plan for CDR beyond what they need to neutralise their residual emissions (i.e., those hard-to-abate emissions which will remain at net zero).
- Adding to this gap, many countries still report natural uptake, for example by forests, as carbon removals, which overestimates their current CDR capacity.
The lack of clear and sustained commitment to scaling up CDR presents several challenges:
In the short term:
- It fails to signal the importance and expected growth of CDR, which hinders the mobilisation of the private sector and investors.
- This uncertainty also makes it difficult to advance policy measures, such as compliance mechanisms, that could stimulate the demand necessary to meet the CDR targets outlined by the IPCC.
In the long term, this lack of action threatens our ability to achieve climate goals.
There is a growing gap between the proposals of major economies to scale CDR and the volumes required to reach the climate goals of the Paris Agreement (see Lamb et al., 2024; Hahn et al., 2024; and the State of CDR report, 2024).
How can a global perspective help countries plan smarter carbon removal?
Applying a global perspective to national policy:
In 2019, Finland reassessed its climate targets by considering the remaining global carbon budget and making realistic assumptions about the pace of decarbonisation in other countries.
Inspired by the example of Finland and drawing from research on coordinated CDR planning under the Paris Agreement, Carbon Gap has developed the Coordinated Allocation of Removal Efforts (CARE) Calculator as an interactive tool to support informed decision-making on CDR targets.
It enables users to explore coordinated and scientifically grounded EU and national CDR targets based on a global goal, using different methods for distributing responsibility among countries.
Evaluating different scenarios highlights the nuances and implications of sharing the responsibility of a common goal. Notably, the findings illustrate the importance of looking beyond merely neutralising residual emissions in national long-term strategies, emphasising the broader role CDR must play in achieving global climate goals.
Read the full report to dig deeper into the analysis behind the tool
HOW CAN WE DETERMINE APPROPRIATE CDR CONTRIBUTIONS?
How do estimated CDR contributions compare to current efforts?
The estimated member state CDR contributions from the CARE Calculator can be compared to several key political and scientific benchmarks to gain insights into setting CDR targets:
Comparing the CARE Calculator to EU and national CDR targets
| EU or member state legislation | Carbon Gap’s CARE Calculator | ||||
| Region | Method | Target year | Annual target removals rates (Mt/yr) | Target year | Estimated annual CDR contribution (Mt/yr) |
| EU | LULUCF | 2030 | 310 | 2030 |
240 (GP-E) 750 (UI-BE) 970 (UI-C) |
|
EU
|
LULUCF Industrial Total |
2040
|
317 75 392 (Proposed 2040 targets) |
2040
|
400 (GP-E) 1200 (UI-BE) 1600 (UI-C) |
| Finland | LULUCF | 2035 | 21 | 2030 |
3 (GP-E) 10 (UI-BE) 14 (UI-C) |
| Germany | LULUCF |
2030
2040
2045 |
25
35
40 |
2030
2040
|
45 (GP-E) 182 (UI-BE) 209 (UI-C) 75 (GP-E) 300 (UI-BE) 345 (UI-C)
|
| Sweden | Unspecified | 2045 | ~11 Mt (i.e.,15% of 1990 GHG) | 2040 | 9 (GP-E) 31 (UI-BE) 35 (UI-C) |
| Romania | LULUCF | 2050 | ~ 4 | 2050 | 24 (GP-E) 60 (UI-BE) 113 (UI-C) |
| Netherlands | LULUCF | 2030 | 1.9 Mt | 2030 | 9 (GP-E) 35 (UI-BE) 35 (UI-C) |
| France | Unspecified | 2050 | 65-80 (projected range) | 2050 | 86 Mt (GP-E) 263 Mt (UI-BE) 384 (UI-C) |
What key insights does the CARE Calculator provide?
1
In any reasonable scenario—that is, any scenario which does not rely on participation by all countries based just on their population size (pure Equality-based approach)—the required CDR contributions are almost always higher than what currently exist in national and EU-wide strategies (see Table 2 and Fig 1).
At the EU level (Table 2, Fig. 1), the UI-BE and UI-C scenarios show EU contributions of upwards of 0.54 and 0.71 Gt CO2e/yr in 2030, respectively, to be compared with the 0.31 Gt CO2 annual target set for LULUCF. On the horizon for 2040, the UI-BE and UI-C scenarios once again indicate that the EU CDR contributions should be much higher than the ~0.4 Gt CO2e/yr target to be achieved via LULUCF and permanent removals proposed by the Commission for 2040.
At the member state level (Table 2), all countries—with the exception of Finland who has defined their removal targets considering the global carbon budget, as mentioned above—risk committing to removal levels that are substantially too low to meaningfully contribute to global climate efforts. Finland’s ambitious target should clearly not be seen as a reason to lower its own efforts. Since other countries with much higher targets will likely face substantial challenges in meeting them, it is vital that countries with the capacity to deliver removals maintain or even strengthen their commitments.
2Cooperation is key. The more countries which participate in CDR efforts at the global level, the more attainable EU and national CDR targets become.
For example, this principle is clearly demonstrated by the much higher CDR contributions for the UI-BE and UI-C scenarios where only the middle- and high-income countries contribute, versus the GP-E scenarios where all countries contribute (Fig. 1). If all countries participate, the EU’s contribution is much smaller, whereas if the participating countries are restricted, for example to only Annex-I countries, the EU’s share increases dramatically. It is clear that, in particular, the participating country group matters when calculating the total EU CDR contributions (Fig 2). This impact can easily outweigh the effects of other parameter choices, such as the global CDR need or certain allocation criteria.
3When considering member state contributions, some allocation criteria and data choices produce dramatic differences in estimated CDR volumes and country rankings, while others show relatively little variation (Fig 3). For example, basing CDR responsibility on countries’ GNI per capita or on their biophysical capacity, greatly changes the distribution of CDR responsibility across the member states—this difference is more substantial than when comparing the polluter pays, equality, or other ability to pay variants, which have a more similar distribution of shares.
Ranking member state CDR contributions
Figure 3: Comparison of the rank of estimated member states CDR contributions according to different allocation criteria and their data variants.
4
Isolated national planning for net zero goals won’t be sufficient for reaching global goals.
If EU parties intend to use their predicted residual emissions as a benchmark for CDR ambitions, these efforts will fall considerably short of meaningfully contributing to global climate goals (Fig. 4). In more pragmatic scenarios, where participation is limited or allocation is based on broader criteria, such as in UI-BE and UI-C, member state contributions almost always surpass residual emissions. In some cases, such as France, Italy, and Spain, estimated contributions are over three times higher.
A similar pattern emerges when comparing CARE Calculator results to the CDR needs modelled by an IAM exploring how Europe could achieve climate neutrality through a least-cost pathway, independent of global climate goals. When assumptions go beyond population size and full global participation, the CARE Calculator consistently projects substantially higher CDR contributions than the IAM (Fig. 4).
5
Several countries (Germany, France, Italy, Spain, Poland) repeatedly appear as needing to contribute the most to Europe’s CDR efforts (Fig 3). For example, these countries are the top contributors in all three of the illustrative scenarios, regardless of their differing allocation criteria or how their importance is weighted (Fig. 4).
Estimated CDR contributions for EU member states for 2050
6
Despite being top contributors, these countries—and the EU more broadly—remain insufficiently prepared politically to support the deployment and upscaling of CDR (Fig. 5).
Of the countries assessed for their political readiness by Carbon Gap thus far (see our Policy Tracker), Germany, France, Italy and Poland are regularly ranked as requiring the highest CDR contributions. Although these countries show early or clear signs of progress in some key areas, they are not yet fully on track to support the deployment of CDR in their countries and ultimately to contribute to meaningful EU-wide targets.
7On the operational side of things, the EU will also need to make dramatic progress in scaling up novel CDR technologies to meet future targets (Fig 6).
Of the five countries most often ranked as top CDR contributors, Spain and Poland stand out for their lack of active novel CDR operators. Germany, France, and Italy have begun building limited capacity, with Germany hosting the most operators. Still, the overall picture shows that even these frontrunners are only in the early stages of meaningful CDR deployment.
8
In many cases, the necessary member-state contributions are likely to exceed countries natural biophysical capacity to removal and store carbon domestically.
There can be a mismatch between which countries should supply the most CDR and which countries have the greatest biophysical capacity to do so (Fig. 7). This discrepancy suggests that countries may need to trade carbon removal units across borders or invest in removals beyond their own territories to meet their obligations.
Estimated CDR contributions for EU member states for 2050
Figure 7: Estimated CDR contributions for EU member states for 2050 (dark blue bars of right plot) using median values for the global CDR need from the C1 climate pathway (10.1 Gt CO2e) when applying the three illustrative scenarios. Also shown on the same x-axis is the biophysical capacity Dataset 2: Cost-efficient land-based measures, where values reflect the annual average climate mitigation potential (orange bars). The biophysical capacity Dataset 2: Reforestation, BECCS, and DACCS is also shown also shown using the left x-axis (teal bars), where the values reflect the total removal and storage potential relating to these methods.
Conclusions
The CARE Calculator underscores the urgent need for coordinated CDR planning across countries. Because the global carbon budget is finite, lower CDR ambition in one country inevitably shifts greater responsibility onto others, calling for structured international negotiations The explicit inclusion of CDR commitments in countries Nationally Determined Contributions (NDC) could represent a useful first step towards such negotiations. The tool highlights which negotiation parameters most significantly influence national targets and the distribution of responsibility, offering a clear lens into the trade-offs at stake.
Crucially, it shows that CDR targets aligned with Paris-compliant climate scenarios are consistently higher than what countries are currently planning. This gap signals a pressing need for governments to scale up their ambitions. Net zero targets alone are not enough—what matters most is whether countries stay within the global carbon budget, the true objective of the Paris Agreement. To effectively stabilise the climate, countries must rapidly raise their CDR deployment goals to help achieve global net zero as swiftly and equitably as possible.
Along with more ambitious targets, countries must speed up the development of an enabling environment to maximise chances for the rapid scale up of CDR. National strategies must outline credible roadmaps to creating the policy mix, infrastructure and incentives aligned with the CDR need.
Read the full report to learn more
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Download the following illustrative data sets with estimated CDR contributions according to the global participation – equality (GP-E), upper income – balanced equity (U-BE), and upper income – capability (UI-C) scenarios. Want to download the data behind your own scenario? Make a request using the form below.
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