In the house where I grew up — an old wooden villa beside a dirt road on the outskirts of a small King Country town with a river at the back — my mother hung a number of framed art prints on the walls. I remember two van Goghs, a landscape near Arles (The Harvest) and one of the sunflower paintings; a Degas of young ballerinas in foaming, diaphanous tutus; Manet’s portrait of Berthe Morisot wearing a black bonnet and holding a bunch of violets. They were displayed alongside what I found out later were two originals: a children’s painting by Colin and Anne McCahon, given to my eldest sister at birth, and a range of denuded, purple-green hills by Ivy Fife. There were also two small Paul Gauguin prints. They were my favourites, probably because they were so colourful. I have them still. They are from his first Tahitian period: Te matete (Nous n’irons pas au marché aujourd’hui) and Le paysage aux paons (La mort).
There are mysteries associated with both of these works. Te matete’s sub-title ‘We shall not go to the market today’, is odd because the five women sitting side by side on a bench are already at the market; which is what ‘te matete’ means. Later I learned that the pieces of paper two of them are holding like fans in their hands are health permits, issued by the French authorities, allowing them to continue to practice their trade — prostitution; and that the subtitle means, not they aren’t going to the market but that they are not going to sell themselves that day. Later still I heard a speculation, unconfirmed, that the five on the bench, one of whom is smoking a cigarette, are not women but māhū. Mahu (= middle) are a third gender, found in all Polynesian societies, typically born male but growing up female; although the designation is not restricted to such people. Gauguin, because of his long hair and extravagant clothes, was thought to be mahu — or perhaps ta’ata vahine, a man-woman — when he first came ashore at Papeete in 1891.
Landscape with Peacocks is mysterious for a different reason. To the right of the picture, in the middle ground, a man wielding an axe stands next to a smoking fire; behind him is a pink thatched hut and two figures walking away down a green path; in the foreground, a peacock and hen are crossing the picture plane from left to right. The mystery lies in the Tahitian word inscribed in black on bright yellow lower right: ‘Matamoe’. I used to think it was the name of the landscape depicted. The original title of the work, it means, literally, ‘eyes sleeping’. That word has been variously interpreted. It could indeed be a place name; it could mean death; it could refer to wanderers or strangers (the peacocks; or Gauguin himself); it has even been translated as ‘the olden days’ (properly ‘matamua’). ‘La mort’ is Gauguin’s subtitle, given the work when he offered it for sale in Paris in 1893. No one knows why he called it that; unless he was referring to the death of his old self and the birth of a new.
It is characteristic of the oeuvre that mysteries found within it are seldom resolved. Russian scholar Alexey Petukhov, for instance, believed the figure of the young man with the axe is derived from a frieze on the Parthenon in Athens, postcards of which Gauguin had with him in Tahiti. Bengt Danielsson, who sailed with Thor Heyerdahl on the Kon Tiki and afterwards spent many years in Polynesia, identified the model for the young man as Gaston Pia, the caretaker at the primary school near where Gauguin lived at the time and a personal friend of the artist. They could both be right. There is less controversy over the origin of the five figures on the bench in Te matete: the composition is based upon an Egyptian tomb painting from 18th dynasty Thebes, of which the artist owned a black and white reproduction, probably another postcard.
It would be idle to pretend I knew any of this when I was growing up in the Burns Street house in the 1950s; though I might have intuited that there was something Egyptian about Te matete. I liked the picture for other reasons. The colours of the women’s dresses — dark blue, green, pale blue, orange, golden yellow — for instance; the two boys bent over carrying fish in the background; the enigmatic figure right foreground, in profile, looking askance at the women on the bench. S/he is the best candidate in the picture for a mahu; while those sitting talking and laughing on the bench, with their permits and their cigarettes held elegantly, nonchalantly in their hands, reminded me of Tut and Pet, two young Māori women, one a primary school teacher, the other a psychiatric nurse, who lived, intermittently, next door to us and looked after me sometimes.
My attraction to Landscape with Peacocks was simpler. It resembled a more brightly coloured version of our own garden. That garden was temperate not tropical; lush nevertheless, with a honeysuckle hedge, camellias, a bower of ferns, nectarine, peach, quince, plum and apple trees, gooseberry, red and black current bushes and what I once thought was an almond but was more likely a walnut. There wasn’t a coconut palm but there was a big old cabbage tree, called tī kōuka, sometimes titi palm, in te reo Māori, at one end of the lawn and a venerable beech, towai, which flowered pink and fruited red, at the other. We didn’t have peacocks but we had bantam hens; and up the back, across the river, as in the Gauguin painting, there was a mountain. In other words, both paintings, in different ways, represented aspects of the world I lived in then.
Neither of these works was in the exhibition, Gauguin’s World: Tōna Iho, Tōna Ao, which closed in October last year at the National Gallery of Australia in Canberra. Te matete is in Switzerland; there were works from the Kunstmuseum Basel in the show so its omission was probably a curatorial or else a logistical decision. Le paysage aux paons is held at the Pushkin Museum in Moscow, along with more than a dozen other paintings; there are a nearly equal number at the Hermitage in St Petersburg. Unfortunately, for the last hundred years, it has been difficult if not impossible to show the thirty-odd Russian-based Gauguins in the West. After the revolution they were confiscated (= stolen) by the Bolshevik government; the ever-alert descendants of the Kreb, Morozov and Shchukin families, who are their rightful owners, will certainly sue for the return of their property if ever they appear physically in a local jurisdiction.
Henri Loyrette, curator of the NGA show, did open negotiations with Russian museums to try to arrange loans of some of these pictures; the outbreak of war in Ukraine in February 2022 put an end to that initiative. It remains the case that a comprehensive exhibition of what Gauguin achieved as a painter remains out of reach; and even those publications which try to see him whole, using illustrations, usually fail, for the same reason: not everything is, or can be made, available. This is part of a larger phenomenon: of all the major artists of his generation, Gauguin is the one who has proved unassimilable to orthodox art historical narratives — and even to the unorthodox. He remains an outsider and there have been, in recent years, attempts to cancel him altogether: for his alleged paedophilia, his sexual adventurism, his putative syphilis, his complicity in colonial strategies; most of all, perhaps, for his refusal or inability to create a coherent oeuvre. This last charge is of course the most interesting.
Loyrette, in his catalogue essay, like many commentators on Gauguin, begins at the end, with his death on 8 May 1903 in La Maison de Jouir, his house at Atuona on Hiva Oa in the Marquesas Islands, now part of French Polynesia. He uses naval surgeon, writer, photographer and explorer Victor Segalen as his proxy. It was Segalen who, in August of that year, in an official capacity, picked up Gauguin’s remaining possessions from Atuona and took them to Papeete to be auctioned. He left an evocative account of the studio, with its dusty harmonium, its harp and its mandolin hanging on the wall, its detritus; and became the first reader of Gauguin’s manuscript of his book, Noa Noa,as well as the purchaser of a number of works, twenty-four in all, including the carved wooden boards with which the artist had decorated the entrance to the top floor of his two storey house. Segalen, who wrote a short, incisive and eccentric study of Rimbaud, became a Sinophile and a pioneering photographer in remote parts of China; until his early (and mysterious death) in 1919, he was an active proponent of the view of Gauguin as ‘un sauvage’ as well as, after Rimbaud, ‘un autre’.
Loyrette, very loosely, structures his essay as a triptych. Part one uses Segalen as a medium through which to explore Gauguin’s house as home and museum; a location for the artist’s embodied and disembodied consciousness, from which he or his ghost might view his and other people’s extensions in space and time. A Degas expert and a former director of the Louvre, Loyrette draws an explicit parallel between Degas’ museum of the mind and the one Gauguin took with him — his ‘little friends’ — and reconstructed in Tahiti and the Marquesas. His second panel is built around an analysis of the fifteen or so self-portraits Gauguin painted over his lifetime, treating them as another kind of home, in this case for an identity which is, paradoxically, both mutable and elemental, fluid yet stable. The self-portraits are way stations on the journey to the final resting place at Atuona; and the last self-portrait is also, Loyrette believes (contra Segalen, who thought it was Breton village in snow), the last painting.
The third part of the triptych is made up of Gauguin’s writings. Gauguin was a prolific writer, especially towards the end of his life, when physical debility made painting difficult. His texts, anecdotal, autobiographical, philosophic and polemical, are best approached as a series of vignettes which might be compared to drawings or sketches that sometimes, not always, attain the status of finished compositions. You cannot derive from them consistent arguments and there are no fully achieved book length works; though you can find in them any number of fruitful provocations. Nor can you reconstruct a persuasive biography or autobiography; most stories exist in multiple, conflicting or ambiguous versions. There isn’t a theory of painting to be found amongst them either, although there are many pertinent observations upon his own practice; and (mostly acidulous) remarks upon the practices of others.
The chameleon nature of Gauguin’s achievement, the way he changed and kept on changing, is thus present in the writings. Loyrette identifies this as characteristic of the oeuvre as a whole and concludes his essay with some sonorous phrases which don’t offer much of substance. The first part of his essay title — ‘Into the far distance and into the self: the view from Gauguin’s window in the Marquesas’ — quotes Stéphane Mallarmé’s summation of his friend’s trajectory when, in 1891, he left for the first time for Tahiti. It sounds good: but what does it mean? That for Gauguin distance from the metropolis meant intimacy with the self? Perhaps. In some ways he never left Paris at all. It was where he sent his pictures and from whence his money came; where his closest friends and most active correspondents lived; as France was the source of the tinned food, the wine, the brandy and the absinthe he consumed. Or is it a way of talking about Gauguin the symbolist, in whose works everything signifies something else but no-one, not even the artist, can say precisely what that something else is? Loyrette’s essay doesn’t mount an argument for the coherence of the oeuvre, let alone that of his own exhibition; no matter how magnificent the works (and many of them are) he gathered for it.
His long essay is followed by four shorter ones. Nicholas Thomas’s ‘The painting of modern Polynesian life’, with its Baudelairean echo in the title, is a precis of some of the arguments in his recent Gauguin and Polynesia, discussed below. Vaiana Giraud’s ‘Gauguin the writer: Noa Noa and other prose’ is a precise and accurate summary of the voluminous writings the artist produced, including the journalism he wrote during his second stay on Tahiti; but doesn’t go much beyond a description of their extent, with a nod or two towards their content. Norma Broude, in her ‘Paul Gauguin and his art in the era of cancel culture’ offers a boiled down version of a longer essay which explores connections between Flora Tristan, Gauguin’s feminist and socialist maternal grandmother, and his own credentials as a supporter of, and an activist for, women’s rights. The fourth essay, as perfunctory in its way as the others, is also the most poignant.
Miriama Bono’s ‘Imagining reconciliation beyond myth and polemics’ anatomises the absence of Gauguin and his works from Tahiti and the Marquesas; and consequently from the consciousness of most if not all present day inhabitants of French Polynesia. She also gestures towards contemporary practitioners like the artist Kanaky (Philippe Lallut), who in works such as C’est fini avec Gauguin, tries to come to terms with the Frenchman’s legacy in the place he and other Pacific Islanders call home. Bono quotes Jean-Marc Pabrum: ‘Until Polynesian artists have asserted their own identity and paid homage to their people or culture, at least until they are at peace with themselves, the notion of passionately devoting themselves to a foreigner cannot help but seem futile and incongruous’. In this connection it is worth mentioning Samoan-Japanese artist Yuki Kihara’s series Paradise Camp, exhibited at the Venice Biennale in 2022, which restages Gauguin’s compositions with fa’afafine (the Samoan equivalent of mahu) as models and photographs the results. Kihara, too, had heard that some of the people in Gauguin’s paintings may have been mahu.
The essays are followed by an illustrated chronology prepared by Jane Messenger. This takes up more than half the book and functions both as a biography and a catalogue of works; although those which appear elsewhere in the volume (logically, I suppose, but confusingly) are omitted from it. The chronology is informative, mostly accurate and includes a commentary which is sometimes illuminating, but usually only in terms of currently fashionable or unfashionable attitudes to the man and his work. I found its inclusion perplexing; I would have preferred a catalogue of works, with commentary focussed upon particular paintings, rather than upon biographical matters which deserve, and require, much fuller consideration than can be given in a chronology. Fortunately, two book length biographies of Gauguin were also published in 2024: Nicholas Thomas’s aforementioned Gauguin and Polynesia, and Wild Thing: A life of Paul Gauguin, by Sue Prideaux.
In many respects the books are complementary. Thomas’s is scholarly, Prideaux’s (as the title indicates) popular. Thomas, a Sydney-sider, first travelled to the Marquesas in 1984 as a young anthropologist to do field work on ‘Ua Pou, one of the six inhabited islands in the group. He has been back to French Polynesia, and to a lot of other places in the Pacific, many times since and is as well-informed and knowledgeable a commentator on Pacific cultures, past and present, as we have. He has also actively participated in the careers of contemporary artists like Niuean John Pule and the late Jim Vivieaere, a Cook Island Māori, to whose memory his book is dedicated. Fluent in French, he is well placed to access those sources for a Gauguin biography which have not yet been translated into English. While his book is even-handed and measured in tone, it isn’t difficult to intuit behind the prose a sense of exasperation with the persistent misunderstandings of Polynesian cultures by Western observers — from Louis Antoine de Bougainville until now. These misunderstandings, he believes, have also led to mis-readings of Gauguin’s work; hence his book.
Sue Prideaux, an Anglo-Norwegian with a French name, is a professional biographer who has published lives of Edvard Munch (2005), August Strindberg (2012) and Friedrich Nietzsche (2018); all three of these works won prestigious literary awards in Great Britain. Prideaux’s godmother was painted by Munch; Strindberg and Munch were friends; Nietzsche and Strindberg didn’t meet but corresponded briefly and fiercely with one another in the late 1880s, just before the former’s descent into madness; while Gauguin and Strindberg got to know each other in Paris during the period in the 1890s between the painter’s two sojourns in Tahiti. Prideaux’s biography therefore grows out of her previous inquiries and reflects an interest in the European dramatic, literary, painterly and philosophic circles in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. She has a sophisticated understanding of this milieu and of Gauguin’s interactions within it and her writing about these associations and intersections is the best part of her book.
Curiously, however, the further her investigations take her from Europe, the less convincing she becomes. In place of solid research she adopts novelistic strategies, as in her description of Gauguin in Auckland in 1895, en route to Papeete for the second time: ‘He was miserable. It was mid-winter, the hotel was unheated, and he couldn’t talk to anyone on account of his execrable English. Bored and cold, he disliked the city for its inauthenticity. Life was so dull he went out spending money for something to do’. In her account it is this boredom and misery which led him to the Auckland Institute and Museum where he found, in Thomas’s words, ‘the richest collection of Oceanic art [he] ever saw’. In fact Gauguin went both to the Museum and the Auckland City Art Gallery, which also held a collection of Māori artefacts, and filled a sketchbook with drawings of what he saw there. I find it hard to believe it was not curiosity and enthusiasm, rather than misery and boredom, which led him to those places.
Thomas goes into the detail of what Gauguin saw in Auckland and makes the point that, as in Tahiti, he was not encountering the remains of some ancient authentic tradition which had died out but contemporary art by Māori and other Polynesians which existed in relation to, and in reaction against, European colonisation; and, crucially, that Gauguin knew this was what he was seeing. In Polynesia proper, Prideaux falls prey to another of the misunderstandings which Thomas tries so hard to correct: the myth of the granny frock aka the Mother Hubbard. Prideaux repeats, several times, a trope common among recent writers on the Pacific, which deplores the long dresses women wear, ubiquitous in the islands today, as an imposition forced upon them by the missionaries, in order to cover up their hitherto freely exposed bodies — the same naked bodies which were such a magnet (this train of thought somewhat contradictorily asserts) for the prurient gaze of white colonising males like Gauguin.
Thomas takes issue with this view, pointing out that, at contact, all Polynesian societies placed a high value on locally manufactured tapa cloth and used it as an often extravagant covering for both the female and the male body on prestige, ceremonial or memorial occasions. They were, concomitantly, interested in the varieties of cloth offered to them in trade with Europeans, sometimes to the exclusion of all else. When the Russo-German explorer Adam Krusenstern was cruising off the coast of Hawai’i in mid-1804, for instance, desperate to obtain provisions, especially pigs, from the locals, he found that a kind of Russian red cloth was the only thing the Hawai’ians would exchange them for and, because he did not have it, or rather did not have enough of it, his people had to go without fresh meat. A decade later Otto Kotzebue, as Thomas records, had the same experience. Tahitian women, he says, welcomed the opportunity to make themselves clothes out of a rich variety of fabrics they had not encountered before.
Both biographies re-tell the story of how Gauguin painted one of his early Tahitian portraits, Vahine no te tiare (‘Woman with a gardenia’) but they do so quite differently. A neighbour visited and showed some interest in Gauguin’s portable museum. He began to sketch her but, when she saw what he was doing, she made some exclamation and left. An hour or so later she returned, perfumed, dressed in a blue gown, with a flower behind her ear. For Thomas, ‘her dress is beautiful’; for Prideaux, it is just another Mother Hubbard. Thomas sees her return as an act of agency, a decision to have herself represented the way she wanted to be seen; Prideaux thinks she is trying to mimic a European ideal. She repeats some mildly suggestive banter between the woman and Gauguin during which he says, in answer to her question, that, yes, the woman in Manet’s Olympia, a reproduction of which was pinned to the wall, is his wife. We have only Gauguin’s account of this conversation — if indeed it occurred. Its tone is impossible to gauge now, but I imagine amused scepticism on the woman’s side and an unconvincing, faux bravado on his; rather than the active flirtation Prideaux suggests.
The biographers differ, too, in their assessment of the painting. Prideaux sees a profound sadness in the woman’s countenance and suggests Gauguin is painting ‘the melancholy he saw in the vanished paradise of her race’. For Thomas, she is contemporary, unphased, ‘utterly confident in herself’. He points out that she is wearing what appears to be a wedding ring, albeit on her right hand, and remarks that ‘it is highly unlikely that the artist would have ventured to seek intimacy with a woman he found at least a little daunting, whose self-possession he certainly did not doubt’. In other words, he sees the subject of the painting, and her power relation with her portraitist, in a diametrically opposite way to Prideaux. For me the biggest problem with Prideaux’s book is here, in her reading of the paintings. This is, of course, a matter of opinion; but I hardly ever found myself in agreement with her descriptions of what the works show, let alone her interpretations of them. Thomas, as befits his training, is more circumspect and, to my mind, more accurate; and, when it comes to matters Polynesian, more knowledgeable as well.
Prideaux, too, begins her tale at the end, with the death of the artist at Atuona. Then, with a flourish, she goes on to tell the story of Gauguin’s teeth. During the clearing, in 2002, of the site where his house had once stood (so that a replica could be built) a well was uncovered. This was the place he used to cool his drinks as well as draw his water. From its depths, among other things, a jar containing four decayed human teeth was retrieved. How they got there isn’t known; but, following DNA analysis, they were determined to have belonged to Gauguin. Further analysis showed that the tooth enamel was free of traces of cadmium, mercury or arsenic: standard treatments for syphilis in the nineteenth century, which would certainly have left their mark behind had they been used. Ergo, Prideaux concludes, Gauguin may not have had the disease after all: ‘If the story of the bad boy who spread syphilis around the South Seas is not true, what other myths might we be holding on to?’ Subsequently she writes as if his syphilis were indeed a myth.
Thomas doesn’t address the issue in the body of his text but does mention it in a footnote, observing that ‘there appears to be no technical or scientific publication of the analysis that clarifies the implications of the finding’. He goes on to say that absence of evidence is not evidence of absence: if Gauguin was not treated for syphilis, that does not mean he did not have it, only that he was not dosed with heavy metals as a consequence. On balance, he thinks it likely that he did suffer from the disease but is not prepared to go further than that. He does, however, pose the question: if he did have it, where and when might he have contracted it?
By his own account, Gauguin had his first sexual experience, aged fifteen, presumably with a prostitute, just before he embarked at Le Havre on his first voyage in the Merchant Marine. He went in the Luzitano to Rio de Janeiro, where a friend had given him the address of a woman with whom he spent time ashore on this and on his second voyage, in the same ship, to Brazil. She was an actress, a native of Bordeaux, who called herself Madame Aimée; she had other lovers, including a Russian naval officer who was, Gauguin claimed, an heir to the Tsarist throne. Subsequently he sailed, in the Chile, to ports on the Pacific coast of South America (but not, as both Messenger and Prideaux allege, to India or Japan). It is thus entirely possible that he picked up the disease in his teens when he was a sailor; it’s also possible that he didn’t know he had it until much later in life, when tertiary symptoms began to manifest. There is no evidence that his Danish wife, Mette-Sophie Gad, nor any of their five children, were infected.
The allegation that he had syphilis is contentious because of the possibility that, knowingly or unknowingly, he passed it on to the women who were his lovers in Tahiti and in the Marquesas; affairs which are also controversial because the women were so young. Records are unreliable but it seems that the two who lived with him for extended periods of time during his two sojourns on Tahiti — Teha’amana and Pau’ura, respectively — were in their early teens when the liaisons began. It is this circumstance which has led to accusations that Gauguin was a paedophile. Thomas investigates these relationships in some detail and shows that they were consensual, that the young women’s families knew of and approved them, and that the women were free to leave at any time. It is also the case that he was not doing anything illegal: the age of consent in France and her territories at the time was thirteen; and, in both Tahiti and the Marquesas, boys and girls became sexually active as soon as they were physically mature.
Instead of focussing upon the unknown consequences of these and other liaisons, it is more interesting to speculate upon the nature of Gauguin’s own sexuality. He must have encountered homosexuality on board the ships in which he sailed; but there is no suggestion that he himself was inclined towards sex with men; apart, that is, from a brief, equivocal passage in Noa Noa, from which Prideaux quotes in her book. Gauguin and a young Tahitian, Jotepha (Joseph) have gone inland to seek wood from which to make carvings. Jotepha knows of a rosewood tree which, he says, doesn’t belong to anyone. As they are walking along, one behind the other, Gauguin following, he becomes fixated upon Jotepha’s ‘lithe animal body [with] graceful contours’. He wants to ravish him but is aware that his desire is ‘the awakening of evil’; and then, suddenly, is overcome with ‘the weariness of the male role, having always to be strong, protective; broad shoulders may be a heavy load. To be for a minute the weak being who loves and obeys’. It seems that, rather than ravishing Jotepha, he wants to be ravished by him.
At this point they have to cross a stream; as they do so, Jotepha remarks that the water is cold and the spell is broken. They carry on, cut down the tree — in Gauguin’s account an orgy of repressed sexual violence — and take the wood back to the studio for carving. ‘I was definitely at peace from then on. I gave not a single blow of the chisel to that piece of wood without having memories of sweet quietude, a fragrance, a victory, a rejuvenation’. Prideaux, who reads the episode in terms of the story of the Garden of Eden and, superfluously, the myth of Orpheus and Eurydice as well, suggests the encounter ‘released Gauguin from the role of the sexually predatory white male’. This may be so; but surely it also liberated him into a consciousness of his female side, albeit conceived in atavistic, nineteenth century terms: ‘the weak being who loves and obeys’?
Here the figure of the mahu becomes pertinent again. Gauguin wrote that, among Tahitians and Marquesans, women and men were more like one another, physically and psychologically, than they were in Western societies and that meant relations between the sexes were more equal, more tender and more free. He doesn’t seem to have made any overt comment upon the middle sex but there are many figures in his pictures who could be either male or female — or both. And there is one at least where his depiction is unequivocal. In the painting Nave Nave Moe, in the right middle ground, sits a figure with its head turned to the side and one knee drawn up, upon which s/he rests a left hand. Along the thigh of the other, extended leg lies an impressively large penis; its presence compels a re-examination of the naked breasts of the figure, which turn out to be as characteristic of a fleshy male body as they would be of a small-breasted woman.
Nave Nave Moe (‘Sacred spring’ or ‘Sweet dreams’) is one of the works held in Russia, at the Hermitage in St Petersburg. I have read half a dozen commentaries upon it, all of which identify the figure in question as a woman, perhaps because it is shown in the same pose as that of the central image in the much more famous Aha oe feii (‘What! Are you jealous?’). Or perhaps as an example of deliberate or inadvertent censorship. It is a significant omission. Nave Nave Moe was painted in Paris in 1894 and exhibited there along with the equally famous Mana’o tupapa’u (‘Spirit of the dead watching’), the work which, more than any other, has led to accusations that Gauguin was a pornographer. But what if the naked figure lying face down on the bed is not a girl but a mahu; or even, as Stephen Eisenman suggests in Gauguin’s Skirt, an hermaphrodite, like the one in Bernini’s famous sculpture (a copy of a lost Greek original), whose pose Gauguin quotes in his picture? What are we to say about the male gaze when it is directed at a figure whose sex is ambivalent?
In the story about Jotepha Gauguin does in fact characterise the young man as an hermaphrodite but also says he was ‘unaware’. This lack of awareness is not ignorance but innocence and he contrasts it with his own fallen nature: ‘I alone carried the burden of an evil thought, a whole civilization had been before me in evil and had educated me’. This is probably the most accurate, and the most sympathetic, way of understanding Gauguin’s (admittedly tiresome) reiteration that he was, or rather wanted to be, ‘un sauvage’ — a word which, as Thomas points out, in French means something more like ‘wild’ or ‘untamed’ than ‘primitive’ or ‘barbaric’. Gauguin, whose first language was Spanish and whose early years were spent in Lima, may have wanted to return to the state of innocence he had known as a boy in Peru. Just as his search for tropical locales to paint may have been a quest to recover the lost colours of his childhood.
The other charge against Gauguin is that he was complicit with the French colonial enterprise in Tahiti and the Marquesas. At the most basic level, this is true: how could he not have been? Merely by being there, a white man in a settler society, he was implicated. Politically, however, Gauguin always opposed what he saw as the abuses of the colonial system. During his first sojourn, when he was beholden to the French government, he expressed himself privately (and eloquently); during his second, he became an activist. He contributed critical and satirical letters to the periodical Les Guêpes (‘The Wasps’) and accepted a paid position as its editor. Les Guêpes was the organ of the Catholic party and in his articles Gauguin tended to promote the interests of settlers against the colonial government. His own newsletter, Le Sourire (‘The Smile’) took a similar stance; one that was not necessarily, or always, sympathetic to the Tahitian people but was consistently hostile, in an anarchic and scattergun fashion, to the colonial government. He became a popular public figure among the disaffected and was known affectionately about town as Koké — the local pronunciation of his surname.
Things were different in the Marquesas, where both periodicals were read and where, when Gauguin arrived there in 1901, Koké was already a hero. In Atuona he found a smaller society in which he could make a real difference to people’s lives. By reading the relevant legislation, for example, he was able to inform local families that the hated compulsory education of their teenaged children at segregated Catholic schools in town only applied to those who lived within a certain distance (4.5 kilometres) of these institutions. Families who didn’t want their boys and girls indoctrinated promptly moved outside the limit and withdrew them, legally, from the schools. He also refused to pay his taxes — in what was still a virtually cashless society — and advised others not to do so either.
Another intervention focussed upon the method of policing used at Atuona. The gendarmerie regularly arrested people for crimes such as drunkenness or fornication; when a magistrate from Papeete made his brief, six monthly visit, he heard only the arresting officer’s testimony, invariably entered a conviction and then levied a fine — a proportion of which went into the gendarme’s pocket. Gauguin wasn’t able to get this iniquitous practice abolished entirely but did succeed in lowering the amount of the kickback. His reward was a conviction of his own, for libel, a fine and a prison sentence. He was preparing to appeal this conviction when he died.
Of course there is another sense in which Gauguin was implicated in the colonial project: his use of models and, by extension, the imposition of his gaze upon those he painted, whether they were teenage girls, mature women, mahu, men and boys or old people of both sexes. This brings us back to the work. Gauguin was someone who could not paint without models. His search for new subjects took him from Paris to Brittany, to Martinique in the Caribbean, to Tahiti and finally to the Marquesas; but his use of them wasn’t straightforward. One of the arguments he had with van Gogh at the Yellow House in Arles was about what he called ‘abstraction’. For van Gogh, the model was an opportunity to make a true representation of the soul of the person they were; for Gauguin, it was a leaping off point; he was looking to augment, alter, even reify, his model into something else. He was frequently vague about what this something else was but still knew what it was he was trying to do. ‘Emotion first — understanding after,’ he wrote in July, 1901.
A characteristic of Gauguin’s work, from the very beginning, is his use of decorative patterning in his backgrounds as well as in the fabrics he so often painted. Indeed, like Matisse, he carried with him a collection of favourite pieces of cloth which appear again and again in his work. In the Tahitian and Marquesan paintings, you can see this love of patterning expressed in the way he renders the clothes people wear and the fabrics they have about them, as much as in the walls they sit before or the landscapes they inhabit. These passages of pure painting are unanalysable in rational terms yet they are, in some respects, the ‘meaning’ of the works. In an interview with journalist Eugène Tardieu, published in L’Echo de Paris in 1895, Gauguin made this explicit:
‘It matters little whether blue shadows do or do not exist. If a painter tomorrow decides that shadows are pink, or violet, there is no reason why he should have to defend his decision, assuming his work is harmonious and thought-provoking.’
‘Then your red dogs and pink skies are deliberate?’ asked Tardieu.
‘Absolutely deliberate,’ Gauguin replied. ‘They are necessary, every feature of my paintings is carefully considered and calculated in advance. Just as in a musical composition, if you like. My simple object, which I take from daily life or from nature, is merely a pretext, which helps me by means of a definite arrangement of lines and colours to create symphonies and harmonies. They have no counterparts at all in reality, in the vulgar sense of that word; they do not give direct expression to an idea, their only purpose being to stimulate the imagination — just as music does without the aid of ideas or pictures — simply by that mysterious affinity which exists between certain arrangements of colours and lines and our minds.’
This doesn’t answer the charge that he was exploiting his Marquesan and Tahitian models, nor that his view of them was sexualised, predatory or demeaning; but it does shift the ground. Besides, however apposite the accusations may be, they do not change the paintings and it is to them we must look for answers. In my view the people who appear in his works, particularly those from the last dozen years of his life, are fully present before us in a manner both enigmatic and uncanny — in the same way that those decorative backgrounds and passages of paint in the cloth or in the landscape are fully present and, equally, enigmatic if not necessarily uncanny. While Gauguin’s Polynesian faces may seem generic, to anyone who has lived amongst Māori they are familiar; and their characteristic expressions are those I remember on the faces of the boys and girls, the men and women, I knew when I was growing up in Aotearoa.
That is not all: one of the peculiarities of Gauguin’s oeuvre is the way the face of his mother, Aline, appears, throughout. Another is the manner in which he conjured up visages like those seen in the sculptural works of Cycladic art from the Greek Mediterranean (3500-1500 BCE); or, even more anciently, in the Venus of Brassempouy (c. 25,000 BCE), with her slanted eyes, triangular chin and feline look. These faces appear, usually in the background, in works from Brittany, Arles, Tahiti and the Marquesas. I don’t mean to endorse Gauguin’s identification with an authentic lost past of human kind, re-discoverable only by self-styled savages like himself, nor to promote pan-racial stereotypes: but there is something about the archaic faces in these paintings which does make you wonder. They seem to come from the beyond to which he had exiled himself.
The synoptic works of the late 1890s are best seen, Bronwyn Nicholsen suggests, as religious paintings: ‘images that cannot represent a real Tahiti but that suggest the mysterious connectedness of peoples and cultures at some deep level. He places them in a setting made up of multiple planes of partly intersecting, partly disparate realities, that draw on numerous traditions — European, Asian, Polynesian — not out of a desire for mere exoticism but through a restless probing of the conjunctions and disjunctions between cultures’. The landscapes from Atuona, which are plainer, exist, incongruously, beside a number of other, almost documentary works, some of which Thomas reproduces, which show priests and nuns going dutifully about their pastoral activities amongst their Marquesan hosts. Gauguin was catholic in more ways than one.
So much criticism of his work focusses upon what he was trying to say; but the paintings ask different questions: what do you see? How does it make you feel? What think? That is, they are not about the painter but the viewer; or rather ‘that mysterious affinity which exists between certain arrangements of colours and lines and our minds’. In this connection it is worth recalling that, in his later years, when Gauguin was often ill and sometimes in extreme pain (he broke his ankle during a street brawl in Brittany and the compound fracture never really healed), his sufferings do not enter his works: the result both of a formidable discipline and an unwavering commitment to a certain kind of vision; of what may still be called, howsoever fallen its creator or its inhabitants may be, a paradise.
An artist I interviewed once, New Zealander Philip Trusttum, told me: ‘Painters don’t have very much subject matter.’ He meant that motifs, howsoever discovered, may be explored indefinitely, without necessarily generating narrative coherence. Gauguin, speaking of Marquesan art, said something similar: ‘One is astonished to find a face where one thought there was nothing but a strange geometric figure. Always the same thing, yet never the same thing’. Bach’s fugues come to mind. But he wasn’t really of that persuasion: repetition didn’t interest him so much as novelty. Or perhaps that should read novelty in repetition. Gauguin at Atuona had, you might say, pace Henri Loyrette, come home to his native land, which was a place of repetition but also one of novelty. A Tahitian woman reclining in the pose of Manet’s Olympia, for instance, with a fan behind her head; Marquesans riding horses on a pink beach after a composition by Degas; a Polynesian Eve in a garden of coconut palms and breadfruit trees, presided over by a Buddha whose figure is derived from one in a temple at Borobudur in Java; five prostitutes sitting on a bench at a market in an arrangement first depicted in a 3500-year-old frieze from Ancient Egypt.
His mentor and first teacher, Lucien Pissarro, when he saw the early Tahitian works, expostulated: ‘This was the art of a sailor, a bit taken from everywhere. He is always poaching on someone’s ground; now he is pillaging the savages of Oceania’. It’s true that Gauguin’s work is mixed, impure, with elements taken from many different cultures, including his own, and assembled in ways that make sense pictorially but not necessarily anthropologically, historically or intellectually; but this does not make them inauthentic. Idiosyncratic, rather. Nicholas Thomas prefers to leave the question open. Of his own study he writes: ‘this book is partial. It stops short of judging: must this artist be condemned or rehabilitated? To the contrary, it tries to define quite why it is, and will remain, impossible to reach any settled conclusion about what Gauguin did, who he was and how finally his work should be valued’.
Gauguin’s repetitions were also those of a sailor: abroad on the high seas then home to port to celebrate and recuperate; then to go, for an indeterminate period, elsewhere again. His elsewheres included Peru, Rio de Janeiro, Copenhagen, Brittany, Panama, Martinique, Brittany again, Tahiti, twice, and finally Atuona in the Marquesas — and always, not incidentally, the sea. He went on his first ocean voyage before he was two years old; and as a young man was a sailor, first in the Merchant Marine and then, after war with Germany was declared in 1870, an officer in the French Navy, patrolling Baltic ports and the North Sea. And, as any sailor does, he must have spent long hours gazing out over what Matthew Arnold called ‘the unplumb’d salt estranging sea’. He probably also, though he never admitted to it, like many sailors, drew.
By the same token his later paintings — especially those from Brittany, Martinique, Tahiti and the Marquesas — show a curving line of white, blue or pink in the background: the waves of the sea, with upcast foamy ornaments like flowers, seen through trees and past sandy beaches, where groups of people engage in their scrutable or inscrutable activities. He was, or became, a classic example of that nineteenth century type, the beachcomber. The word was first used by Richard Dana in Two Years Before the Mast (1840) to describe the lives of those ‘adrift along the coasts of the Pacific and its islands’. An 1889 dictionary expanded the definition: ‘A seafaring man generally, of vagrant and drunken habits, who idles about the wharves of seaports; used most frequently in countries bordering on the Pacific Ocean’.
However beachcomber can also mean ‘a long, rolling wave’. If sound can be a part of a mute and static art like painting — and Gauguin was or claimed to be synaesthetic — then we may say that the reverberation of those long rolling waves breaking upon the shore, roaring and hissing up the beach then, with a high bright diminuendo, receding, always accompany our viewing of his pictures too.
Works consulted:
Gauguin’s World: Tōna Iho, Tōna Ao National Gallery of Australia, Canberra, 2024
Gauguin and Polynesia Nicholas Thomas, Apollo/Bloomsbury, London, 2024
Wild Thing: A Life of Paul Gauguin Sue Prideaux, Faber & Faber, London, 2024
Gauguin’s Skirt Stephen F Eisenman, Thames & Hudson, London, 1997
Gauguin and Māori Art Bronwyn Nicholson, Godwit/Auckland City Art Gallery, Auckland, 1995
Paul Gauguin in Russian Museums Anna Barskaya & Marina Bessonova, Aurora Art Publishers, Leningrad, 1988
Paintings in order of appearance:
Te matete (Nous n’irons pas au marché aujourd’hui) (1892)
Le paysage aux paons (La mort) (1892)
Self portrait (1903)
Vahine no te tiare (1892)
Mana’o tupapa’u (1892)
Nave nave moe (1894)
Te avea no Marie (1899)
Cavaliers sur la plage (II) (1902)

























