This episode takes a closer look at a March 2026 report titled “How Iranian Women Are Shaping the Resistance.” The findings presented in this report reveal a level of courage and determination that is impossible to ignore.

At the center of this analysis is a defining moment that unfolded just weeks earlier: a high-risk operation that struck at the very heart of the Iranian regime’s power structure.

The report opens with a striking image—one that is as symbolic as it is dramatic. At dawn, a heavily fortified and seemingly impenetrable compound comes under sudden attack. The scene challenges long-held assumptions about the regime’s invulnerability.

To fully understand the magnitude of the February 23 operation, it is essential to grasp the scale and significance of its target: the Motahhari Complex in Tehran.

This vast compound, measuring approximately 620 by 770 meters, serves as a central hub of authority for the regime. Within its walls are located the offices of the Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei, as well as the residence of Mojtaba Khamenei. The complex also houses key institutions that form the backbone of the state’s power structure.

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Pour commencer, j’aimerais qu’on imagine un instant, juste pour se mettre dans le contexte. Imaginez des passagers enfermés à fond de cale sur un navire en train de sombrer. L’eau monte, la panique s’installe. Oui, l’angoisse totale. Voilà. Et au lieu de distribuer des gilets de sauvetage ou d’ouvrir les écoutilles, l’équipage prend une décision terrifiante : ils sortent les chalumeaux et décident de souder les issues de secours avant de fuir eux-mêmes.

C’est impensable. Et pourtant, c’est exactement la réalité de ce qui se passe en ce moment même dans les prisons iraniennes. L’objectif de cette analyse est de décortiquer un système qui transforme délibérément l’incarcération en piège mortel.

Et c’est une autopsie de la situation absolument indispensable. Pour bien comprendre, il faut d’abord regarder la situation globale. La population civile fait face à une double tenaille. D’un côté, il y a la menace qui vient du ciel : les dommages, la destruction liée à la guerre et aux frappes militaires. De l’autre, profitant de ce chaos, une répression intérieure tourne à plein régime, avec des arrestations massives.

Exactement, des arrestations de masse pour étouffer toute forme de dissidence. C’est une population prise au piège entre les bombes et les geôliers. Et le lieu où cette double menace atteint son paroxysme, c’est la prison. L’impossibilité de fuir y est totale.

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Right. 

If you're a civilian, you run for shelter. You try to find safety somewhere. But now I want you to imagine you're a political prisoner. The sirens go off, the ground is literally shaking, the guards flee their posts and instead of opening the gates to let you seek cover you hear the hiss of blow torches. 

God. 

Yeah. They are actively welding your cell doors shut.

It's, it's a horrifying reality and it's happening right now. We are looking at a population that is dealing with the catastrophic damage and destruction of war while simultaneously facing a doubled wave of domestic repression. 

And mass arrests. Right? 

Exactly. Mass arrests by the ruling regime. They are essentially trapped. 

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As the Iranian people move toward a new political future, two powerful themes stand at the center of this historic moment: the demand for complete national self-determination and the crucial role of women in shaping Iran’s democratic future.

We examine the immense sacrifices made during the uprising, the international consequences that followed, and the formation of a provisional government by the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI). Most importantly, we take a deep dive into why women’s leadership has become the defining force of Iran’s resistance movement.

For decades, Iranian women have stood at the forefront of the struggle for freedom, equality, and democracy. From organizing resistance networks to shaping political strategy, their leadership has become the benchmark for a truly democratic alternative.

This episode also explores the NCRI’s long-standing vision for gender equality, including a comprehensive charter supporting women’s rights, equal pay, freedom of choice, and the separation of religion and state.

As Iran stands at a historic crossroads, we ask a critical question:
 If democracy is measured by the power entrusted to women, what lessons can the world learn from the Iranian women leading this movement?

Learn more and support the movement for freedom:
 wncri.org

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Voilà la période des commémorations. Exactement. Cette édition coïncide d'ailleurs avec les cérémonies du quarantième jour, le shelom, pour les âmes courageuses qui ont lutté pour la liberté de l'Iran. Et des personnes qui ont perdu la vie lors de la répression sanglante du soulèvement de janvier deux-mille-vingt-six. Et la mission de notre exploration aujourd'hui, c'est de comprendre comment ces rituels de deuil, bien loin de n'être que de simples actes de recueillement.

C'est bien plus que ça en effet. Comment ils se sont métamorphosés en de puissantes démonstrations de défis politiques avec une colère publique vraiment soutenue. Absolument et avec un point central qui ressort de toutes nos sources, le rôle prédominant très visible des femmes. Tout au long de ce mouvement. 

Alors pour bien comprendre l'ampleur de ce qui s'est passé en février, nos rapports nous ramènent un peu en arrière fin deux-mille-vingt-cinq. Le vingt-huit décembre deux-mille-vingt-cinq très précisément. Ouais et ce qui est fou c'est que tout ça n'a pas commencé par une revendication purement politique. Non, au départ c'est une crise économique. Une grève, les commerçants du grand bazar au centre de Téhéran.

 Acculés par la chute vertigineuse du rial et une inflation incontrôlable. Ils ont juste baissé le rideau parce que la survie au quotidien devenait impossible. Et le bazar, tu sais, ce n'est pas n'importe quoi en Iran, c'est un pilier traditionnellement conservateur. Donc si la fracture commence là, c'est que le contrat social est vraiment rompu. Totalement brisé.

Et l'escalade est fulgurante. En quelques jours à peine, on passe de revendications sur le coût de la vie à. À une demande directe de changement de régime. C'est ça. Ça s'étend à des dizaines de provinces, ça touche les universités.

Mais la réponse en face, la répression a été d'une brutalité glaçante. Les rapports parlent de milliers de civils tués en janvier. Dont plus d'une centaine d'enfants. C'est une statistique qui revêt en boucle dans les documents. C'est ce traumatisme collectif immense qui plante le décor pour février.

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We are looking at a very specific, a very specific window of time, mid February 2026. Right. Specifically, the sixteenth, seventeenth, eighteenth, eighteenth, and twentieth. And, you know, to anyone just glancing at a calendar, those are just normal days in a month. But based on the sources we have in the context of the Iranian uprising, these dates represent a well, it's essentially a collision course. They absolutely do. 

The Power of 40th Day Memorial: When Mourning Is Mandatory

And to really understand why these dates matter so much, we have to look back at the tragedy that set them in motion. We were talking about the fortieth day memorial ceremonies. The Exactly. The Chehellom (40th Day memorial) for the victims of the bloody crackdown that happened in January 2026.

Right. And for our listeners who might not be fully versed in the cultural nuances of this because it's so central to our deep dive today, can you explain the mechanics of Chehellom (40th Day memorial)? It really seems like the regime is caught in a loop that they just can't break. It is a massive paradox and arguably it's the regime's biggest strategic nightmare right now because in Iranian culture and Shia tradition specifically the fortieth day after a death isn't just a suggestion it is a mandatory time of mourning. You visit the grave site, you pay your respects.

Right. It is a deeply ingrained religious and cultural obligation. So, the regime is in a serious bind here. I mean, they can ban street protests, they can tear down banners, but they can't legally or culturally ban a family from visiting a grave without declaring war on the culture itself. Precisely.

And that is exactly the mission of our deep dive today. Okay. 

From Tears to Tactical Resistance

We're going to look at how these quiet, traditional mourning rituals have been completely transformed. Yeah. Because they aren't just about passive grief anymore.

The sources make that very clear. They do. One of the reports explicitly states that these memorials have evolved into operational battlegrounds and vibrant political rallies. The traditional tears have basically turned into sparks. And the fuel for those sparks?

Sustained public anger. And crucially, and this is really the focal point we are exploring today, the leadership of women in all of this. This isn't just a general leaderless crowd. The sources highlight that this is a movement where women are the visible tactical leaders. Let's step back for just a second before we get into the specific stories.

We have some incredible profiles of these women to cover, but how did we get to February? Because this didn't just happen in a vacuum. No, it really didn't. You have to trace the fuse back a bit. Yeah.

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D'un côté, on a une répression d'une brutalité inouïe qui continue après le soulèvement de janvier, et de l'autre, on voit une mobilisation internationale qui elle grandit et qui semble marquer un vrai tournant. C'est cette tension qu'on va explorer. Alors commençons par ce qui se passe sur le terrain. Les grandes manifestations sont peut-être moins visibles, mais la répression elle n'a pas cessé. Non loin de là.

En fait la stratégie du régime a changé. Il ne s'agit plus seulement de disperser des foules, maintenant c'est une sorte de chasse à l'homme méthodique et a posteriori. C'est-à-dire Comment ils procèdent Ils utilisent toutes les technologies à leur disposition, la vidéosurveillance, la reconnaissance faciale, Ils identifient les gens qui ont participé aux manifestations et ensuite ils vont les chercher un par un chez eux au travail. Et ces arrestations sont violentes, les sources donnent des exemples qui sont vraiment glaçants. Je pense notamment au cas de Saghar Seifollahi.

Oui Saghar Seifollahi, une écrivaine diplômée en génie mécanique. D'après les rapports, elle a été pourchassée en rentrant chez elle par des agents en civil, ils l'ont accusée d'avoir manifesté et la poursuite s'est terminée de la pire des manières, ils l'ont battu à mort. Frapper à la tête avec des matraques, c'est bien ça C'est terrible. C'est ça et ce qui rend l'affaire encore plus sinistre, c'est ce qui s'est passé après, c'est une tactique bien rodé du régime. Ils ont tenté de maquiller sans suicide Exactement.

Ils ont fait pression sur la famille pour qu'elle signe une déclaration en ce sens. Sauf que là, ils ont fait une erreur. Ah oui. Oui, le certificat de décès officiel que les sources ont pu obtenir mentionne noir sur blanc, impact avec un objet dur à la tête. C'est la preuve qui contredit totalement leur version.

Ça montre qu'ils ne veulent pas seulement tuer, mais aussi contrôler la vérité. Et ce n'est pas un cas isolé, on parle aussi de disparition forcée. Il y cette histoire des 4 soeurs à Téhéran. Oui, le cas des soeurs Nakhai et Davoudi, Niusha et Mona arrêtés il y vingt-six jours et Kimya et Tara arrêtés quelques jours plus tard. Le mode opératoire est le même.

Arrestation sans mandat, avec violence et puis le silence total. Leurs familles sont sans aucune nouvelle. Aucune. Elles ne savent pas où elles sont ni même si elles sont encore en vie. C'est une forme de torture psychologique pour les proches.

Amnesty International a d'ailleurs lancé une alerte sur l'ampleur du phénomène non Absolument. Il parle de dizaines de milliers de personnes détenues arbitrairement. Les chiffres sont énormes. Et le risque pour ces personnes est maximal. Torture, disparition et même la peine de mort.

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If you've been tracking the headlines, you know the basics. Iran is still reeling from that January uprising. The streets are volatile. Right. But the news cycle, it usually just stops at the surface.

You see the chants, the tear gas, maybe some numbers on arrests. Today we need to go deeper. Much deeper. We need to talk about the machinery that kicks in after the cameras turn away. So this isn't just another recap?

Not at all. We're looking at a systemic calculated shift in strategy by the regime. We have a stack of reports here, eyewitness accounts, internal docs, all detailing a war on two very specific groups of people. And these aren't the groups you typically expect. We're talking about the people who heal, the doctors, and the students who are rising up to protect them.

It's a specific kind of brutality. And then to balance that out, we're going to zoom all the way out to Berlin. Because just yesterday, something massive happened that directly challenges that entire machinery. So we're connecting the dots. Yeah.

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Et tout ça sous un black-out quasi total d'internet. Et de l'autre côté. Le courage d'une nation, une nation qui veut la liberté et qui est prête à en payer le prix. C'est ça. Alors aujourd'hui, on va essayer de décortiquer cette dynamique, cette confrontation entre la violence d'État et une détermination populaire qui elle ne faiblit pas.

C'est vraiment ça l'histoire de 2 forces opposées. D'un côté une machine répressive qui semble prête à tout et de l'autre une résilience qui qui semble se nourrir de chaque acte de violence. Commençons par la répression si vous voulez bien parce que ce qui frappe quand on regarde des quelques vidéos qui filtrent, c'est que ça n'a pas l'air chez OTIC. Non, pas du tout. Ça a l'air organisé, chirurgical même dans sa brutalité.

Un détail revient sans cesse, les tirs visent la tête et le coeur, surtout chez les femmes. C'est un point absolument central. Ce n'est pas une impression, c'est une méthode. Il y a un témoignage recueilli par Amnesty qui le résume parfaitement. Qu'est-ce qu'il dit La personne explique et je cite, ces tirs n'étaient pas accidentels.

Ils visaient précisément la tête et le coeur. C'est c'est glaçant. Et elle ajoute, il ne s'agissait pas de disperser une foule, ils avaient l'intention de tuer. Là, on a tout compris. On n'est plus dans la répression, on est dans l'élimination.

Et qu'est-ce qui confirme cette idée de stratégie planifiée Alors plusieurs choses. D'abord, le déploiement de snipers sur les toits. Ça, ce n'est pas pour faire peur. Non, c'est pour tuer des gens ciblés. Exactement.

Et il y a plus inquiétant encore. Les sources parlent de l'utilisation de forces très particulières, comme la brigade Fatimiyoun. Alors la brigade Fatimiyoun, il faut peut-être expliquer, ce ne sont pas des policiers iraniens ça. Pas du tout, non. C'est une milice de combattants afghans commandés et payés par les gardiens de la révolution.

Ils ont été utilisés en Syrie je crois Oui. Et le fait de les déployer en Iran contre des iraniens, c'est un signal très fort. Soit le régime ne fait plus confiance à ses propres forces. Soit il utilise une force qui n'aura aucun scrupule, des mercenaires en somme. C'est exactement ça et les témoignages sur leur comportement sont terribles.

L'un d'eux dit, il ne se souciait pas de savoir si les gens étaient des femmes ou des hommes, jeunes ou vieux. Mais il ajoute ce détail, plupart des hommes ont été touchés à la tête tandis que les femmes étaient visées au coeur. C'est presque une une signature. C'est terrifiant. Et cette violence, elle ne se limite pas au tir.

Il y a cette histoire de l'incendie du bazar de Rascht qui m'a marqué. Ah oui, le bazar de Racht, les récits sont sont dignes d'un film d'horreur. Qu'est-ce qui s'est passé exactement D'après les témoins, les forces de sécurité auraient mis le feu au bazar pour piéger les manifestants, pour les forcer à sortir. Et à la sortie, ils les attendaient. Voilà, il leur tirait dessus.

C'est une tactique de terreur pure. Il y a cette image très forte, des chaussures abandonnées dans les allées calcinées. Ça raconte tout cette image, la panique, la fuite. Exactement. Et d'un point de vue juridique, tous ces éléments, le côté systématique, l'intention de tuer des civils.

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Welcome to another episode of the NCRI Women’s Committee Podcasts. As this deep dive begins, the uprising in Iran is nearly one month old. For anyone watching from the outside, there is a shared frustration: something historic is unfolding, yet the picture remains deeply fragmented.

That fragmentation is no accident. Since January 8, the regime has imposed a near-total internet shutdown, making verification and communication from inside the country extraordinarily difficult. Today’s mission is to push past that blackout and piece together what the regime is trying to hide.

Two Forces Collide: Brutality Versus a Nation’s Courage

What emerges from eyewitness reports, medical testimonies, and smuggled evidence is a stark confrontation between two opposing forces. On one side stands the regime’s calculated brutality—actions that go far beyond crowd control and point directly to crimes against humanity. On the other, stands a nation willing to pay any price for freedom.

The Pattern of Killing: The “Head and Heart” Strategy

Medical records and verified videos reveal a chilling pattern. Victims are not being injured to disperse protests—they are being shot to kill. Fatal gunshot wounds to the head, heart, and lungs appear repeatedly.

One verified video shows at least ten women and girls lying on the ground in a single location, all killed by targeted gunfire to vital organs. As one source stated plainly: “These shots were not accidental. They intended to kill.”

This is no longer policing. It is systematic assassination.

Snipers on Rooftops: Orders to Eliminate, Not Disperse

Eyewitnesses confirm snipers positioned on rooftops, firing with precision. No one is shot in the legs. No one is warned. The orders are clear: eliminate, not disperse.

This marks a terrifying escalation and signals a deliberate policy of lethal force against civilians.

Imported Repression: The Fatemiyoun Brigade

The violence intensifies further with the deployment of outside forces. Reports repeatedly name the Fatemiyoun Brigade, a militia of Afghan fighters trained, commanded, and paid by the IRGC.

Used previously in Syria, these mercenaries have no social or emotional ties to the Iranian population. Witnesses say their arrival coincided with a sharp rise in brutality, including the use of military-grade weapons against unarmed civilians.

Iranian cities are being treated like foreign battlefields.

Hospitals as Frontlines: Mass Death in Real Time

The scale of killing is overwhelming medical facilities. At Arash Hospital alone, one source reported receiving 120 bodies in a single hour, two bodies per minute.

Many victims arrive dead on arrival due to targeted gunshot wounds, leaving doctors powerless to save them.

Scorched Earth Tactics: Fire, Fear, and Vanishing People

The regime’s strategy goes beyond killing individuals, it seeks to terrorize the population. In Rasht, security forces reportedly set fire to the historic bazaar on January 8, with people still inside.

In the aftermath, hundreds of abandoned shoes were left behind, silent evidence of panic and disappearance. One witness compared the scene to exhibits at the U.S. Holocaust Museum. 

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On va se pencher ensemble sur les événements de ce début d'année en Iran. L'année a commencé avec une vague de protestation anti-régime qui s'est étendue, on parle de plus de cent-soixante-dix villes. L'objectif aujourd'hui, c'est vraiment d'analyser ce qui se passe en se concentrant sur le rôle, la participation très active des femmes dans ce mouvement à partir des infos qui nous sont parvenues. Oui et c'est important de le dire tout de suite, ce qu'on observe ce n'est pas juste une continuation de ce qu'on a déjà vu, on est vraiment dans une nouvelle phase.

C'est c'est différent par l'ampleur, l'intensité et on sent une sorte de coordination dans les actions. Ça va des grèves dans les bazars jusqu'aux manifs dans les universités, c'est très large. D'accord, alors parlons de cette ampleur justement. Les chiffres sont assez vertigineux. On parle de manifestations d'affrontements dans au moins cent-soixante-treize villes et près de quatre-cent localités, c'est énorme.

Ça veut dire que ce n'est plus seulement Téhéran ou les grandes villes Non, pas du tout. Ça touche tout le pays. Et ce qui est intéressant, c'est de voir ce qui unifie tous ces mouvements. Ce sont les slogans. On retrouve bien sûr le mort à Camnéi qui est malheureusement devenu un classique, mais il y en a un autre qui est très très significatif.

C'est mort à l'oppresseur, qu'il soit le chat ou le guide. Ah oui, celui-là est, il est puissant parce qu'il ne vise pas que le régime actuel. Il y a une dimension historique. Qu'est-ce que ça nous dit au fond Ça nous dit qu'il y a une rupture, une rupture avec tout le passé. Ce n'est pas une opposition pour revenir à la monarchie.

C'est un rejet en bloc. À la fois de la dictature du chat et de celle des mollahs. En fait ce que ce slogan exprime, c'est la volonté de créer quelque chose de complètement nouveau. Pas de retourner en arrière. Une rupture qui est nourrie aussi par le quotidien des gens j'imagine, l'économie.

Totalement, la colère est alimentée par l'effondrement économique, une inflation galopante, la corruption que tout le monde voit et la preuve que ça touche tout le monde, c'est la participation des commerçants. Quand le grand bazar de Téhéran se met en grève et d'autres bazars aussi, Dess un signal très fort. Oui, le bazar ce n'est pas un milieu traditionnellement contestataire. Exactement. Ça veut dire que le mécontentement a vraiment dépassé les cercles militants habituels.

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It really has. The new year just began with this eruption of anti regime protests across Iran, and the movement has well, it's escalated so rapidly. It's spread to at least a 145 cities. And our latest reports are suggesting that number is actually climbing closer to 150. It's just a massive geographic footprint.

It's huge. It is. And for you, our listener, the mission of this deep dive is really essential. We're gonna try to compile the recent events, drawing just from the sources we've gathered to highlight the, the critical and defining role women have played in leading this uprising. Right.

We need to go beyond the headlines and really analyze why their leadership is so central right now. So, okay, let's unpack the scale first because the scope of this is it's a crucial detail. It is. The sources are really emphasizing that this isn't just a regional thing. Yeah.

It's not confined to one province or one ethnic group. It's universal. It is. And what's fascinating is the, strategy. It's like a strategy of saturation.

It has spread across every single province, turning streets, universities, bazaars, even residential neighborhood into, you know, simultaneous arenas of direct confrontation. Which has to be a strategic nightmare for the authorities. Oh, absolutely. Right. It fractures their ability to repress everyone at once.

They're stretched thin across the entire country. And the message coming out of these confrontations, it's not reformist. It's revolutionary. I mean, you look at the key slogans and they are completely unambiguous about the goal. Yeah.

You hear the fundamental demands like death to Khamenei, death to the dictator. Very direct. It's challenging the head of the whole structure but I think if you want to understand the sort of the sheer determination right now, have to listen to this unifying chant that's become a rallying cry. Which one is that? This year is the year of sacrifice. Seyyed Ali (Khamenei) will be overthrown.

It's a declaration. It's a commitment to see this through within a specific time frame. Wow. But what's also interesting when you connect that geographical spread to the political message is that the conversation about Iran's future is broadening. 

It's not just about the current regime anymore. That's a great point. Our sources are confirming this shift. We've seen much broader political slogans emerge in cities like Tabriz and Mashhad. For instance, the chant, death to the oppressor, whether Shah or the mullah's leader.

Now that's a powerful political statement. It is. It unites people who oppose the old authoritarianism with those fighting the current one. And we heard an even more explicit version from the students. Right?

From Allameh Tabatabaii University, the cry was neither monarchy nor the mullahs. Leadership, freedom, and equality. Exactly. It signals a profound desire for something completely new. A democratic system built on rights.

And when we talk about freedom and equality, we have to pivot to the, well, the defining characteristic of this whole uprising. The visible undeniable leadership from women. Exactly. Our reports confirm that young women and girls, they aren't just participants. They are allowed.

They're outspoken. And in a lot of these demonstrations, they are the functional majority.  Their courage is strategically important because it just directly challenges the regime's security narrative that these are, you know, marginal protests or driven by outsiders.

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Dans ce dernier épisode de l’année 2025, en cette veille de Noël, nos pensées vont vers l’Iran — vers celles et ceux pour qui cette nuit n’est ni une fête, ni un moment de paix.

Nos pensées vont d’abord aux prisonniers politiques, en particulier à ceux qui font face à des condamnations à mort, enfermés dans l’attente, dans des cellules où l’espoir est criminalisé.
 Elles vont aux femmes détenues dans les geôles du régime, beaucoup d’entre elles en mauvaise santé, privées de soins, soumises à la négligence, à la torture et à l’isolement, simplement pour avoir résisté.

En cette nuit de Noël, nous pensons tout spécialement aux femmes et aux hommes chrétiens emprisonnés en Iran — non pour des actes de violence, mais pour avoir ouvert leurs maisons à la prière, pour avoir créé des églises domestiques, pour avoir pratiqué leur foi. Ils endurent des conditions dures et inhumaines uniquement pour avoir suivi leur conscience.

Nous prions aussi pour tous les croyants opprimés, de toutes religions, persécutés en Iran parce que leurs convictions ne se soumettent pas à la tyrannie.

Et nos pensées vont aux Unités de Résistance, en particulier à leurs membres féminins — ces femmes courageuses qui, malgré une surveillance constante, des restrictions innombrables et un danger permanent, mettent leur vie en jeu chaque jour pour libérer leur peuple.

C’est là que naît l’espoir.
 Car en Iran, ce sont les femmes qui mènent le combat contre la tyrannie.

Depuis plus de 45 ans, elles ont payé un prix immense.
 Des milliers ont embrassé la corde.
 Des milliers ont connu la prison, l’exil, la perte.

Et pourtant, elles n’ont jamais renoncé.

Non seulement elles ont tenu bon, mais elles se sont élevées.
 Elles ont accédé aux responsabilités, elles ont pris la tête du mouvement, et depuis plus de quarante ans, elles le dirigent avec courage, vision et détermination.

Elles ne se battent pas seulement pour survivre, mais pour construire un avenir de liberté, de démocratie et de dignité pour tout un peuple.
 Un avenir qui, aujourd’hui plus que jamais, est à portée de main.

Noël est un message d’espoir né dans l’obscurité.
 En cette nuit, nous choisissons de ne pas détourner le regard.
 Nous nous souvenons des prisonniers.
 Nous honorons la résistance.
 Et nous croyons que la liberté triomphera.

Pour en savoir plus et pour soutenir ce combat essentiel, nous vous invitons à visiter notre site wncri.org/fr et à faire un don à la Commission des femmes du Conseil national de la Résistance iranienne, afin de contribuer à la lutte des femmes iraniennes pour la liberté et la démocratie.

Merci d’avoir été avec nous tout au long de cette année.
 Nous vous souhaitons de très belles fêtes, un joyeux Noël, et nous vous donnons rendez-vous pour le prochain épisode.

Joyeux Noël, et à très bientôt.

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Our thoughts go out to the political prisoners facing death sentences, waiting in narrow cells where time stands still and hope is treated as a crime.
 They go out to the women imprisoned in the regime’s dungeons—many in poor health, deprived of care, enduring neglect, torture, and isolation, simply for refusing to surrender their dignity.

Tonight, we especially remember the Christian women and men imprisoned in Iran—jailed not for violence, not for hatred, but for opening their homes in faith, for forming house churches, for practicing their beliefs. They endure harsh and degrading conditions for nothing more than their conscience.

We pray for the oppressed people of Iran and all the followers of every religion—for those persecuted, harassed, and punished because their faith does not bow to tyranny.

And we pray for the Resistance Units, especially for their female members—women who, despite relentless surveillance, repression, and restriction, put their lives on the line every day to free their enchained people.

There is hope—because Iranian women are leading the fight against tyranny.

For more than 45 years, they have paid a heavy price.
 Thousands have kissed the noose.
 Thousands more have filled the prisons.
 Yet they have not given up.

Not only have they endured—they have risen.
 They have risen to leadership, carrying the movement forward, shaping it, sustaining it, and leading it for more than four decades with courage, clarity, and sacrifice.

Christmas is the story of hope born in darkness.
 On this night, we choose not to look away.
 We remember the prisoners.
 We honor the resistance.
 And we believe—in the power of faith, in the strength of women, and in the certainty that no regime, no prison, and no gallows can extinguish a people’s longing for freedom.

Support the cause of a free Iran and the struggle of Iranian women for freedom and democracy. One of the ways you can do so is to donate to the NCRI Women’s Committee. 

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La discussion se concentre sur deux crises étroitement liées : une flambée choquante des exécutions, notamment de femmes, et la torture systématique des prisonnières politiques par la négligence médicale.

1. Une crise d’exécutions orchestrée par l’État

• Plus de 1 800 exécutions durant les onze premiers mois de 2025
• 615 pendaisons rien qu’en octobre et novembre
• 57 femmes exécutées, soit une augmentation de 70 % par rapport à l’année précédente
• 32 femmes exécutées en seulement quatre mois (juillet–novembre)

Ces chiffres révèlent une stratégie délibérée du régime pour terroriser la société, en particulier les femmes, qui jouent un rôle de plus en plus central dans la résistance anti-régime.

2. “Exécution blanche” : Torture par négligence médicale

Le podcast analyse ensuite cette forme de violence lente, infligée par le refus de soins médicaux — décrite comme une politique délibérée de l’État.

Conditions carcérales inhumaines

En novembre 2025, plus de 60 prisonnières politiques ont été transférées dans :

• une unité souterraine à 40 marches en bas,
• infestée, humide, sans chauffage, sans lits ni installations sanitaires adéquates.

Pour les détenues atteintes de maladies chroniques, ces conditions accélèrent volontairement leur déclin physique.

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The discussion centers on two interlocking crises: a shocking spike in executions, including of women, and the systematic torture of female political prisoners through medical neglect.

1. A State-Driven Execution Crisis

• 1,800+ executions in the first 11 months of 2025
• 615 hangings in October and November alone
• 57 women executed, a 70% increase over the previous year
• 32 women executed in just four months (July–November)

These numbers show a deliberate government strategy to terrorize society, particularly women, who are increasingly central to anti-regime resistance.

2. “White Execution”: Torture by Medical Neglect

The podcast then examines the slow-acting violence inflicted through denial of medical care, described as a deliberate state policy.

Inhumane Prison Conditions

In November 2025, over 60 female political prisoners were transferred to:

• a basement ward 40 steps underground
• infested, damp, without heating, beds, or proper sanitation

For prisoners with chronic illness, these conditions accelerate physical decline by design.

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1. Mécanismes juridiques : la doctrine des lois « anti-femmes »

La violence omniprésente est institutionnalisée par des lois qui accordent la priorité aux droits des agresseurs présumés plutôt qu’à la sécurité de l’enfant, découlant de l’idéologie fondamentale du régime, qualifiée d’« anti-femmes ».

• Priorité au droit du père : Les lois iraniennes concernant la garde et la tutelle judiciaire mettent l’accent sur le « droit du père » plutôt que sur la sécurité de l’enfant. Ce cadre juridique constitue la base structurelle de violences répétées.
• Discrimination dans la garde : Les règlements discriminatoires du régime en matière de garde exposent les filles mineures à des risques extrêmes. Les lois anti-femmes sont décrites comme permettant des crimes horribles, comme le meurtre d’Ava Yargholi, tuée par son père toxicomane après que ces lois lui ont accordé la garde, malgré le fait que sa mère remplissait toutes les conditions financières et morales. De même, dans le cas de Niyan, la loi a permis à son père — qui avait un passé de menaces et de violences contre son épouse — de conserver la garde, ce qui aurait ouvert la voie aux sévices mortels infligés à la fillette de six ans par le frère de sa belle-mère.
• Centralité de la discrimination : Les lois anti-femmes sont au cœur des croyances et des réglementations du régime, exposant les filles mineures à la fois à la violence directe et à la discrimination légale.

2. Mécanismes structurels : privation économique et effondrement institutionnel

La violence contre les filles est aggravée par l’effondrement des systèmes de soutien social et par la pauvreté structurelle généralisée résultant de la corruption institutionnalisée.

Vulnérabilité accrue dans la pauvreté et le travail des enfants

Les enfants en Iran sont confrontés à la pauvreté économique, au travail forcé et à des violences physiques et psychologiques répandues. Cette pauvreté pousse les enfants vers le travail, qui constitue l’une des principales causes d’abandon scolaire.

• Crise de pauvreté : 38 % des enfants iraniens vivent sous le seuil de pauvreté. Bien qu’un quart des enfants travailleurs soient des filles, ces dernières subissent des taux de violences beaucoup plus élevés que les garçons sur leur lieu de travail.
• Statistiques de violences graves : Selon des recherches, les filles souffrent nettement plus que les garçons dans plusieurs domaines clés de maltraitance :
   
  • Violences sexuelles : 12,7 % des filles contre 2,75 % des garçons.
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  • Coups et insultes : 26,8 % des filles contre 11,8 % des garçons.
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• Mesures d’auto-protection : Face à cet environnement dangereux, de nombreuses filles travaillant dans le secteur informel se coupent les cheveux courts pour ressembler à des garçons, dans l’espoir d’être un peu plus en sécurité.

Défaillance du filet de sécurité sociale

Le système censé protéger les enfants contre la violence a été paralysé par un manque structurel de ressources et de volonté politique.

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Child abuse is described in the sources as a growing phenomenon and a top social harm in Iran. This systemic violence disproportionately affects girls, as 55 percent of child abuse reports concern girls.

1. Legal Mechanisms: The Doctrine of "Anti-Woman" Laws

The pervasive violence is institutionalized by laws that prioritize the rights of alleged abusers over the safety of the child, stemming from the regime's core ideology described as "anti-woman"

• Prioritizing the Father's Right: Iranian laws regarding custody and judicial supervision emphasize the "right of the father" rather than the security of the child. This legal framework provides the structural basis for repeated violence.

• Discrimination in Custody: The regime’s discriminatory custody regulations expose minor girls to extreme risk. The anti-woman laws are described as enabling horrific crimes, such as the murder of Ava Yargholi, who was killed by her addicted father after those laws granted him custody, despite her mother being financially and ethically suitable. Similarly, in the case of Niyan, the law allowed her father—who had a history of threatening and beating his wife—to retain custody, which allegedly paved the way for the fatal abuse of the six-year-old girl by her stepmother's brother.

• Centrality of Discrimination: The anti-woman laws are central to the regime's beliefs and regulations, exposing minor girls to both direct violence and legal discrimination.

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Son « crime », selon les autorités du régime, consistait à posséder un petit morceau de tissu portant le slogan « Femme, Résistance, Liberté » ainsi qu’un message vocal inédit. Le procès, tenu en ligne, a duré moins de dix minutes, sans véritable défense. L’avocat commis d’office n’a formulé aucune objection, et le verdict a été prononcé immédiatement. Elle ne dispose désormais que de dix jours pour faire appel, alors qu’elle est détenue à la prison de Lakan, à Rasht.

Titulaire de diplômes en génie électrique et en énergie durable (Université de technologie d’Ispahan et Université de Borås en Suède), Zahra a été arrêtée en avril 2025 lorsque les forces de sécurité ont fait irruption à son domicile sans mandat. Son fils, Soroush Samak, qui vit en Suède, l’a décrite comme « une femme courageuse, consciente et audacieuse, dont la bravoure effraie le régime ». Dans une interview accordée au Sun, il a déclaré : « Ce couteau a perdu son tranchant ; ces condamnations à mort ne font qu’alimenter la colère du peuple. Ma mère n’a pas peur de mourir, et nous sommes fiers de son courage. » Il a exhorté les gouvernements occidentaux à conditionner toutes leurs relations avec le régime iranien à la suspension des exécutions et à la libération des prisonniers politiques.

Cette condamnation est intervenue au milieu d’une vague d’exécutions effroyable en octobre 2025 — près de 300 en un seul mois, dont au moins sept femmes. Cette escalade meurtrière reflète, selon les observateurs, la profonde crainte du régime face à une nouvelle révolte nationale. L’affaire de Zahra est devenue le symbole de cette peur — un avertissement destiné à intimider les femmes iraniennes, en première ligne des mouvements de résistance.

Les organisations internationales de défense des droits humains, dont le Comité des femmes du Conseil national de la Résistance iranienne (CNRI), ont appelé les Nations unies et les puissances mondiales à intervenir d’urgence pour sauver la vie de Zahra et mettre fin à la montée des exécutions, que le CNRI qualifie de « crime contre l’humanité ».

Le courage de Zahra — et l’appel de son fils depuis l’exil — ont fait d’elle un puissant symbole de défiance, incarnant ces Iraniennes qui refusent de se soumettre, même face à la potence.

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Her “crime,” according to regime authorities, was possessing a small piece of fabric inscribed with the slogan “Woman, Resistance, Freedom” and an unpublished voice message. The trial, held online, lasted less than ten minutes, without a real defense. Her court-appointed lawyer offered no resistance, and the verdict was issued immediately. She now has only ten days to appeal while held in Lakan Prison in Rasht.

A dual graduate in Electrical Engineering and Sustainable Energy (Isfahan University of Technology and the University of Borås in Sweden), Zahra was arrested in April 2025 after security forces stormed her home without a warrant. Her son, Soroush Samak, living in Sweden, described her as “a bold, conscious, and courageous woman whose bravery the regime fears.” In an interview with The Sun, he said, “This knife has lost its edge; these death sentences only fuel the people’s anger. My mother is not afraid to die, and we are proud of her courage.” He appealed to Western governments to condition all relations with the Iranian regime on halting executions and freeing political prisoners.

The death sentence came amid October 2025’s horrifying surge of executions — nearly 300 in a single month, including at least seven women. This wave of killings reflects what observers describe as the regime’s deep fear of another nationwide uprising. Zahra’s case has become symbolic of that fear — a warning meant to intimidate Iranian women who stand at the forefront of resistance movements.

International human rights organizations, including the Women’s Committee of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), have called on the United Nations and global powers to intervene urgently to save Zahra’s life and to halt the growing wave of executions, which the NCRI calls “a crime against humanity.”

Zahra’s courage — and her son’s plea from exile — have turned her into a powerful symbol of defiance, representing the Iranian women who refuse to surrender, even when facing the gallows.

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Au cours des neuf premiers mois de 2025, le régime a exécuté environ 1 200 personnes, dont 39 femmes et 7 enfants, avec au moins neuf pendaisons publiques. Des milliers d’autres attendent leur exécution à la prison de Qezel Hesar. Le rapport du CNRI souligne que le système judiciaire iranien — placé sous la supervision directe d’Ali Khamenei, le guide suprême — s’est transformé en une « machine à mort », condamnant sans procès équitable les prisonniers politiques, les femmes et les citoyens les plus démunis.

Un record de brutalité et de misogynie

Le nombre de 39 femmes exécutées depuis le début de 2025 marque une augmentation choquante par rapport aux 34 de 2024, 26 de 2023 et 15 de 2022. Cette tendance traduit une escalade délibérée de la violence d’État contre les femmes, qui se trouvent depuis longtemps à l’avant-garde des mouvements de résistance. L’Iran détient aujourd’hui le triste record du pays qui exécute le plus grand nombre de femmes au monde.

Beaucoup de ces femmes étaient des victimes avant d’être des accusées. Celles condamnées pour « meurtre prémédité » sont souvent des survivantes de mariages forcés ou précoces, qui ont tué un mari violent après des années d’abus, sans possibilité légale de divorce. D’autres, exécutées pour trafic de drogue, y ont été poussées par la pauvreté ou la coercition, tandis que les véritables responsables — les réseaux liés au Corps des gardiens de la révolution islamique (CGRI) — restent impunis. Le cas de Marziyeh Esmaeili, mère de famille de 39 ans exécutée en avril 2025 pour avoir transporté des stupéfiants d’une valeur d’à peine 100 dollars, illustre tragiquement cette injustice.

La résistance derrière les barreaux

Malgré ce climat de terreur, un puissant mouvement contre la peine de mort a émergé au sein même des prisons iraniennes. Depuis 88 semaines consécutives, des prisonniers de 52 établissements mènent chaque mardi des grèves de la faim pour protester contre les exécutions. Leur courage a inspiré des familles et des défenseurs des droits humains à l’intérieur et à l’extérieur du pays, marquant une évolution rare et significative dans l’histoire récente de l’Iran.

Un appel urgent à l’action internationale

Le Comité des femmes du CNRI avertit que chaque jour de silence coûte des vies et appelle la communauté internationale à agir de toute urgence. Il recommande notamment :

• L’arrêt immédiat des exécutions de femmes et l’annulation des condamnations à mort, en particulier pour les prisonnières politiques et celles liées à la drogue ;
• L’accès aux soins médicaux pour les femmes détenues et la fin de leur mort lente par négligence ;
• Des inspections internationales urgentes des prisons iraniennes, notamment celle de Qarchak, tristement célèbre pour la torture des femmes ;
• Des pressions diplomatiques accrues afin de contraindre le régime à respecter les normes internationales des droits humains.

Alors que chaque jour apporte de nouvelles

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In the first nine months of 2025 alone, the regime executed around 1,200 people, including 39 women and 7 children, with at least nine public hangings. Thousands more remain at risk in Qezel Hesar Prison, awaiting execution. The NCRI report underscores that Iran’s clerical establishment—ruled by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei—has turned its judiciary into a “death machine” that sentences impoverished citizens, political prisoners, and women without fair trials.

A Record of Brutality and Misogyny

The regime’s record of executing 39 women so far in 2025 marks a shocking increase compared to 34 in 2024, 26 in 2023, and 15 in 2022. This trend reveals a deliberate escalation of state violence against women, who have long stood at the forefront of resistance movements. Iran now holds the grim distinction of being the world’s leading executioner of women.

Many women facing the death penalty are victims before they are defendants. Those convicted of “premeditated murder” are often survivors of child or forced marriages, who kill abusive husbands after years of violence and the denial of any legal right to divorce. Others, executed for drug trafficking, are typically driven by poverty and coercion, while the true profiteers — networks linked to the Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) — remain untouched. The case of Marziyeh Esmaeili, a 39-year-old mother executed in April 2025 for carrying drugs worth just $100, epitomizes this injustice.

Resistance Behind Bars

Despite this climate of terror, a powerful movement against the death penalty has taken root within Iran’s prisons. For 88 consecutive weeks, prisoners across 52 facilities have staged weekly hunger strikes to protest executions. Their courage has inspired families and rights groups inside and outside Iran, signaling a rare, growing defiance against the regime’s machinery of death.

A Call for International Action

The NCRI Women’s Committee warns that every day of silence costs more lives and urges the international community to act decisively. Their recommendations include:

• Immediate halt to executions of women and annulment of death sentences, especially for political and drug-related cases.
• Access to medical care for female prisoners and an end to their slow death by neglect.
• Urgent international inspections of Iranian prisons, particularly Qarchak Prison, notorious for torturing women.
• Global pressure on the regime to comply with international human rights standards.

As Iran’s gallows claim more lives each day, the world faces a moral test. The executions of women are not isolated crimes — they are part of a broader campaign to crush a defiant population. Stopping this machinery of death is not only a human rights imperative; it is a stand for justice, equality, and the sanctity of life itself.

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Le sous-financement chronique en est la cause majeure. Ces dernières années, la part du budget national consacrée à l’enseignement supérieur est passée de 4 % à 2,8 %, tandis que celle dédiée à l’enseignement de base a chuté de 13,4 % à 8,7 %. En comparaison, près de 30 % des dépenses publiques sont affectées aux forces de sécurité et aux activités militaires. Ce détournement de ressources a laissé le système scolaire public avec un déficit d’environ 176 000 enseignants et plus de 102 000 salles de classe manquantes. Des milliers d’écoles n’ont pas de plomberie adéquate ni même de toilettes, et de nombreuses écoles rurales fonctionnent dans des structures temporaires dangereuses.

Les difficultés économiques aggravent la crise. Environ cinq millions de familles d’élèves n’ont pas les moyens d’acheter les fournitures scolaires. Le prix des uniformes a plus que doublé, et la hausse du coût des livres et du transport oblige de nombreux parents à retirer leurs enfants—surtout leurs filles—de l’école. Les mariages précoces, autorisés par la loi actuelle, demeurent une cause majeure d’abandon scolaire ; selon les données officielles, plus d’un million de filles de moins de 18 ans se sont mariées au cours de la dernière décennie.

Les filles qui parviennent à l’université se heurtent à un autre obstacle : une discrimination persistante sur le marché du travail et dans la vie publique. Les femmes occupent la majorité des places à l’université mais bénéficient de la plus faible part des opportunités d’emploi et sont exclues de nombreux rôles politiques. Pour celles qui restent scolarisées, l’environnement devient de plus en plus répressif. En 2024, le gouvernement a officiellement placé les écoles sous la surveillance de la police, donnant aux forces de sécurité une influence sur « l’ordre » et sur le contenu des programmes.

Les conséquences sont mesurables. Les évaluations internationales classent les élèves iraniens parmi les derniers au monde en lecture, les scores des filles déclinant depuis 2016. L’inégalité persistante signifie que les enfants de familles aisées fréquentent des écoles privées bien équipées, tandis que des millions de leurs pairs s’entassent dans des classes publiques délabrées ou abandonnent complètement leurs études.

Cet effondrement éducatif n’est pas une simple erreur administrative mais un choix politique. Un régime qui privilégie les dépenses sécuritaires plutôt que les salles de classe entretient la pauvreté et refuse à la moitié de sa population—les filles et jeunes femmes—les outils pour construire une vie autonome. Remédier à la crise de l’éducation en Iran nécessite à la fois de rétablir un financement adéquat et de démanteler les barrières juridiques et sociales qui étouffent les aspirations des filles.

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Severe underfunding is a central problem. Over recent years, the share of the national budget for higher education has fallen from 4 percent to 2.8 percent, while the share for basic education plunged from 13.4 percent to 8.7 percent. In contrast, close to 30 percent of government spending goes to security forces and military activities. This diversion of resources has left the public school system with a shortage of 176,000 teachers and more than 102,000 missing classrooms. Thousands of schools lack basic plumbing or even toilets, and many rural schools operate in unsafe temporary structures.

Economic hardship compounds the crisis. Roughly five million students’ families cannot afford school supplies. Uniform prices have more than doubled, and the rising cost of books and transportation forces many parents to pull their children—especially daughters—out of school. Early marriage, permitted under current laws, remains a leading cause of girls leaving education; government data show that over a million girls under 18 have been married in the past decade.

Girls who do make it to university face a different barrier: entrenched discrimination in the job market and public life. Women hold the majority of university seats but enjoy the smallest share of employment opportunities and are excluded from many political roles. For those who remain in school, the environment is increasingly repressive. In 2024 the government formally placed schools under police oversight, giving security forces influence over both “order” and curriculum content.

The consequences are measurable. International assessments show Iranian students near the bottom globally in reading ability, with girls’ scores slipping since 2016. Persistent inequality means children from wealthy families attend well-equipped private schools, while millions of their peers struggle in dilapidated public classrooms or drop out entirely.

This educational breakdown is not simply an administrative failure but a political choice. A government that prioritizes security spending over classrooms perpetuates poverty and denies half its population—girls and young women—the tools to build independent lives. Addressing Iran’s education crisis requires both restoring adequate funding and dismantling the legal and social barriers that silence girls’ aspirations.

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Au cours de l’année et un mois écoulés depuis l’entrée en fonction du nouveau président du régime, Massoud Pezeshkian, le 28 juillet 2024, plus de 1 700 personnes ont été exécutées en Iran, dont plusieurs prisonniers politiques.
 Avant l’arrivée d’Ebrahim Raïssi au pouvoir, le régime clérical exécutait en moyenne 15 femmes par an. Ce chiffre est ensuite passé à 21 sous Raïssi. Et désormais, sous Massoud Pezeshkian, au moins 33 femmes ont été exécutées en seulement huit mois depuis le début de l’année 2025.

Le régime iranien détient le sinistre record mondial du plus grand nombre de femmes exécutées. Aucun autre gouvernement au monde n’a exécuté autant de femmes. Cette liste n’inclut même pas les dizaines de milliers de femmes exécutées en Iran pour des raisons politiques.

Nombre des femmes exécutées par le régime des mollahs sont elles-mêmes victimes de violences domestiques et ont agi en légitime défense.
 Le régime iranien recourt avec une grande facilité à la peine de mort comme instrument de punition. Dans de nombreux cas, les minorités religieuses et ethniques, les dissidents politiques et les femmes sont visés par la peine capitale de manière discriminatoire.

Le silence face à ces exécutions n’est pas une simple indifférence ; c’est un encouragement direct donné au régime pour poursuivre ses crimes.
 L’inaction de la communauté internationale ne fait qu’encourager le régime clérical—aujourd’hui dans sa phase la plus fragile—à multiplier les exécutions et les atrocités, tout en alimentant l’exportation du terrorisme, l’agression régionale et ses ambitions nucléaires.

Nous exigeons du Conseil des droits de l’homme, de la Haut-Commissaire de l’ONU aux droits de l’homme, des Rapporteurs spéciaux, de l’Union européenne, des gouvernements et des instances concernées :

• Une condamnation explicite et publique des condamnations à mort et de l’incitation au meurtre ;
• L’adoption de mesures efficaces et concrètes, et non de simples condamnations diplomatiques ;
• Le déploiement immédiat d’une mission internationale indépendante d’établissement des faits en Iran ;
• La conditionnalité de toute négociation ou relation politique et économique avec le régime à l’arrêt des exécutions et à la libération des prisonniers politiques ;
• La poursuite judiciaire des auteurs et des commanditaires de ces crimes, et des efforts pour mettre fin à leur impunité au niveau international.

Le silence, c’est la complicité dans le crime.
 Les Nations unies, les gouvernements, les institutions internationales et toutes les voix de conscience portent cette responsabilité.

Le moment d’agir, c’est maintenant—avant qu’il ne soit trop tard.

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Des cas emblématiques, comme celui de Leila Saremi, arrêtée et torturée pour faire pression sur son fils et sa fille, ou celui de Arghavan Fallahi, détenue au secret depuis plus de six mois, illustrent ce schéma de répression. D’autres, tels que des enseignantes syndicalistes, des défenseures des droits des enfants et même des étudiantes, subissent arrestations arbitraires, procès biaisés et longues détentions préventives.

Ce tableau montre que la répression des femmes en Iran n’est pas ponctuelle, mais bien une stratégie organisée visant à faire taire toute contestation et à intimider celles et ceux qui cherchent justice. Les organisations internationales de défense des droits humains sont appelées à agir face à ces violations.

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Zahedan c'est une prison particulièrement dure c'est ça Il est très isolé. Exactement. C'est vu comme une tentative de le briser complètement, de le couper de tout soutien, lui-même a écrit une lettre, il parlait d'un crime en cours. Un crime en cours. Oui et il évoquait le risque d'une répétition, mais silencieuse cette fois du massacre de mille-neuf-cent-quatre-vingt-huit.

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The international community really needs to step up. The United Nations, the Special Rapporteur, the Human Rights Council, all international human rights organizations. They must take immediate action. To save the lives of political prisoners in Iran, there really is no time to lose. And one crucial step, something absolutely paramount, is for an independent delegation to be immediately dispatched.

They need to visit Iranian prisons. They need to speak directly with the political prisoners. Face to face. Yes. This is a vital nonnegotiable step.

It just cannot be delayed any longer if we're gonna prevent a deepening humanitarian crisis and frankly hold the regime accountable. Thank you for joining us on this critical deep dive into the lives and the struggles of political prisoners in Iran. And to learn more about these issues and the ongoing efforts to support these incredibly courageous individuals, we do invite you to visit wncri.org. What we've explored today, it's truly a testament to both systemic cruelty and, the unbreakable spirit of human defiance. It leaves us with a powerful question, doesn't it?

How can we as a global community ensure that these voices of resistance are not silenced and that justice ultimately prevails against such calculated oppression? Thank you for joining us. Hope to see you next time.

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Unica donna tra questi prigionieri politici, Arghavan Fallahi è stata arrestata il 25 gennaio 2025 nella sua abitazione a Parand, nei pressi di Teheran. Inizialmente è stata trasferita nella sezione 241 del carcere di Evin, controllata dall’Unità di protezione dell’intelligence del potere giudiziario. Dopo quasi cinque mesi di completo isolamento, è stata trasferita in una cella individuale nella prigione di Fashafouyeh (nota anche come Grande Prigione di Teheran), a seguito del bombardamento e dell’evacuazione del carcere di Evin. Da allora, è detenuta in condizioni di fortissima pressione psicologica e fisica, come accade a molti altri prigionieri politici in Iran.

Il caso di Arghavan è seguito dal giudice Iman Afshari, tristemente noto per i suoi verdetti repressivi, presso la 26ª sezione del tribunale rivoluzionario di Teheran — un organo ampiamente utilizzato per perseguitare i prigionieri politici, in particolare i sostenitori dell’OMPI, attraverso condanne severe e violazioni sistematiche dei diritti umani.

Non è la prima volta che Arghavan Fallahi è vittima della repressione del regime. Era già stata arrestata durante la rivolta nazionale del novembre 2022, insieme a suo padre, Nasrollah Fallahi, ex prigioniero politico degli anni ’80 e attualmente anch’egli detenuto a Fashafouyeh.

Gli altri tre prigionieri politici — Bijan Kazemi, Amirhossein Akbari Monfared e suo padre Mohammad Akbari Monfared — sono anch’essi in isolamento e sottoposti a torture. I servizi di intelligence del regime li accusano di essere coinvolti nella morte di Moghiseh e Razini. Attraverso interrogatori violenti, le autorità cercano di costruire una narrazione accusatoria basata su confessioni estorte con la forza.

Di fronte a questa situazione critica, la Resistenza iraniana rivolge un appello urgente all’Alto Commissario delle Nazioni Unite per i diritti umani, al Consiglio per i diritti umani dell’ONU e al Relatore speciale sulla situazione dei diritti umani in Iran affinché intervengano immediatamente. La vita di Arghavan Fallahi e degli altri prigionieri politici è gravemente in pericolo.

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Seule femme parmi ces prisonniers politiques, Arghavan Fallahi a été arrêtée le 25 janvier 2025 à son domicile de Parand, près de Téhéran. Elle a d’abord été transférée dans la section 241 de la prison d’Evin, placée sous le contrôle de l’Unité de protection du renseignement du pouvoir judiciaire. Après près de cinq mois d’isolement total, elle a été déplacée vers une cellule individuelle à la prison de Fashafouyeh (aussi appelée Grande prison de Téhéran), à la suite du bombardement et de l’évacuation d’Evin. Depuis, elle reste enfermée dans des conditions de pression psychologique et physique extrêmes, comme nombre de prisonniers politiques en Iran.

Le dossier d’Arghavan est entre les mains du juge Iman Afshari, tristement célèbre pour ses verdicts expéditifs, siégeant à la 26e chambre du tribunal révolutionnaire de Téhéran — un organe largement instrumentalisé pour persécuter les prisonniers politiques, en particulier les partisans de l’OMPI, par le biais de condamnations lourdes et de violations systématiques des droits fondamentaux.

Ce n’est pas la première fois qu’Arghavan Fallahi est victime de la répression du régime. Elle avait déjà été arrêtée lors du soulèvement national de novembre 2022, aux côtés de son père, Nasrollah Fallahi, lui-même ancien prisonnier politique dans les années 1980, aujourd’hui également détenu à Fashafouyeh.

Les trois autres prisonniers politiques — Bijan Kazemi, Amirhossein Akbari Monfared, et son père Mohammad Akbari Monfared — sont eux aussi maintenus en isolement et soumis à la torture. Les services de renseignement du régime les accusent d’avoir joué un rôle dans la mort de Moghiseh et Razini. Par le biais d’interrogatoires brutaux, les autorités cherchent à bâtir un récit accusatoire reposant sur des aveux obtenus sous la contrainte.

Devant cette situation critique, la Résistance iranienne appelle urgemment le Haut-Commissaire des Nations Unies aux droits de l’homme, le Conseil des droits de l’homme de l’ONU et le Rapporteur spécial sur la situation des droits humains en Iran à intervenir immédiatement. La vie d’Arghavan Fallahi et de ces prisonniers politiques en danger doit être protégée sans délai.

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Specifically:

• On June 23, 2025, following a powerful explosion and extensive damage to Evin Prison, female prisoners were abruptly relocated under duress.

• It has been confirmed that the female prisoners in Evin were transferred to Qarchak Prison in Varamin, a facility known for its poor conditions and history of abuse.

• Some 70 female political prisoners were suddenly transferred to Qarchak Prison in Varamin without prior notice, in violation of the principle of separation of crimes.

•This transfer occurred without notifying the prisoners' families and under coercive and threatening circumstances. Prisoners were not allowed to collect their medications or personal belongings.

• Political prisoners like Azar Korvandi and Narges Mansouri were among those transferred from Evin to Qarchak.

While Arghavan Fallahi was initially taken to Evin, she was later transferred to Fashafouyeh Prison (also known as the Greater Tehran Penitentiary) after the bombing and evacuation of Evin, not Qarchak

Arghavan Fallahi and three other political detainees are being tortured to extract forced and fabricated confessions. They are accused of involvement in the assassinations of two notorious clerical regime judges, Mohammad Moghiseh and Ali Razini, on January 18, 2025. The regime is reportedly using brutal interrogations to construct a narrative through these forced confessions.

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Da oltre quarant’anni, le donne iraniane sono in prima linea nella resistenza contro il regime, guidando con atti di coraggio, proteste e una sfida incessante, nonostante la brutale repressione.

Prima opposizione all’hijab obbligatorio:
Poche settimane dopo l’instaurazione della dittatura religiosa dei mullah, l’8 marzo 1979, le donne iraniane hanno organizzato massicce proteste a Teheran contro il decreto che imponeva il velo obbligatorio. Fu la prima sfida aperta alle politiche oppressive di Khomeini.

Proteste organizzate e resistenza crescente:
Nell’aprile 1981, la Società delle Madri Musulmane ha radunato 200.000 donne contro la violenza del regime. Queste donne, insieme alle loro figlie, hanno poi partecipato alla rivolta del 20 giugno 1981. Nei due anni e mezzo precedenti, molte donne e ragazze si erano unite all’opposizione, in particolare ai Mujahedin del Popolo (PMOI/MEK), per contrastare l’avanzata del nuovo regime.

20 giugno 1981: una svolta storica
Quel giorno, oltre 500.000 iraniani, comprese madri e figlie, sono scesi in piazza per chiedere democrazia e diritti umani. Di fronte al fuoco aperto dei Guardiani della Rivoluzione, le donne iraniane hanno scelto l’onore della resistenza anziché la sottomissione, rispondendo all’appello della storia.

Obiettivi e simboli nelle carceri
Dopo la rivolta, le donne divennero bersagli principali ma anche simboli della resilienza nelle prigioni del regime.

Esecuzioni di massa:
Seguirono arresti, torture ed esecuzioni. Ragazze adolescenti, alcune di soli 10 anni, furono giustiziate senza processo. Almeno 50 donne incinte, tra cui Tahereh Aghakhan Moghaddam all’ottavo mese di gravidanza, furono uccise. Anche nonne tra i 60 e i 70 anni furono tra le vittime. Il regime arrivò persino a pubblicare foto di bambini giustiziati sui giornali statali: fu la prima volta che un dittatore annunciò un genocidio mostrando le immagini di giovani donne non identificate uccise.

Un’eredità che attraversa le generazioni

“Generazione Uguaglianza”:
Le donne di tutte le epoche della resistenza — dagli anni ’70 contro lo Scià fino ad oggi — hanno aperto la strada alla partecipazione femminile su larga scala. La generazione degli anni ’80 ha scosso le fondamenta del regime misogino.

Rivolte successive:
Donne e ragazze coraggiose hanno continuato questa lotta durante le rivolte del 1999, 2009, 2017, 2018, 2019, 2020, 2022 e 2023. La “Generazione Uguaglianza” ha giurato di continuare fino alla caduta del regime e all’arrivo della vera libertà.

Spirito incrollabile:
Indipendentemente da età, origine, professione o classe sociale, queste donne hanno scelto l’onore della resistenza. Le loro storie — madri e figlie che marciano insieme, studentesse che rifiutano di tradire le compagne sotto tortura — non sono solo ricordi, ma il cuore pulsante della resistenza di oggi.

Il 20 giugno: un simbolo vivo
Il 20 giugno è oggi un simbolo di sacrificio e sfida incrollabile. Dimostra che l’oppressione può essere affrontata, che le voci non possono essere messe a tacere per sempre, e che un Iran libero e democratico è possibile. Questa eredità continua a brillare nel cuore di chi ci crede, dentro e fuori il paese.

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Depuis plus de quatre décennies, les femmes iraniennes ont été à l’avant-garde de la résistance contre le régime, menant des actions courageuses, des manifestations et une opposition constante, malgré une répression violente.

Première opposition au voile obligatoire :
Dès les premières semaines de la dictature religieuse des mollahs, des femmes ont organisé, le 8 mars 1979 à Téhéran, de vastes manifestations contre le décret imposant le hijab. C’était la première contestation publique des politiques oppressives de Khomeini.

Protestations organisées :
En avril 1981, la Société des Mères Musulmanes a rassemblé 200 000 femmes pour dénoncer les violences du régime. Elles, avec leurs filles, ont ensuite pris part au soulèvement du 20 juin 1981. Pendant les deux ans et demi qui ont précédé ce jour, des femmes ont rejoint l’OMPI (MEK) et d'autres groupes d’opposition, s’impliquant activement contre la montée de la tyrannie.

Le 20 juin 1981 : un tournant majeur
Ce jour-là, plus de 500 000 Iraniens, dont de nombreuses mères et filles, ont manifesté pour la démocratie et les droits humains. Face aux tirs des Gardiens de la révolution, les femmes ont choisi l’honneur de la résistance plutôt que la soumission, répondant à l’appel de l’Histoire.

Cibles et symboles dans les prisons
Après le soulèvement, les femmes sont devenues des cibles privilégiées du régime mais aussi des symboles de courage et de résilience.

Exécutions de masse :
Une vague de répression s’est abattue. Des adolescentes, parfois âgées de 10 ans, ont été exécutées sans procès. Au moins 50 femmes enceintes, dont Tahereh Aghakhan Moghaddam à huit mois de grossesse, ont été tuées. Des grand-mères de 60 et 70 ans ont également été exécutées. Le régime est allé jusqu’à publier les photos d’enfants exécutés dans ses journaux officiels, une première dans l’histoire d’un génocide annoncé par la diffusion d’images de jeunes femmes non identifiées.

Un héritage transgénérationnel

« Génération Égalité » :
Les femmes de toutes les époques de la résistance — des années 1970 contre le Shah aux combats actuels — ont ouvert la voie à une implication massive des femmes dans la lutte. La génération des années 1980 a secoué les bases du régime misogyne.

Soulèvements récents :
Des femmes et des jeunes filles ont poursuivi ce combat lors des soulèvements de 1999, 2009, 2017, 2018, 2019, 2020, 2022 et 2023. La « Génération Égalité » a juré de poursuivre jusqu’à la chute du régime et l’émergence d’une vraie liberté.

Esprit inébranlable :
Quel que soit leur âge, leur origine ou leur statut, ces femmes ont choisi l’honneur de la résistance. Leurs histoires — mères et filles marchant ensemble, écolières refusant de dénoncer sous la torture — ne sont pas que des souvenirs : elles incarnent la raison d’être de la résistance actuelle.

Le 20 juin : un symbole vivant
Le 20 juin est devenu le symbole du sacrifice et de la défiance. Il rappelle que l’oppression peut être combattue, que les voix ne seront pas réduites au silence à jamais, et qu’un Iran libre et démocratique est possible. Cet héritage continue de briller dans le cœur de ceux qui y croient, en Iran comme en exil.

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Husbands, partners, or male relatives of the victims predominantly committed the murders. These women were killed for reasons as harrowing as requesting a divorce, seeking economic and social independence, or simply resisting coercion, discrimination, or robbery.

These murders are not merely stains on the hands of individual killers; they are glaring indictments of a misogynistic regime, where laws grant men ownership over women, decriminalize domestic violence, and define women as subordinates and property. A system where legal and social mechanisms are not designed to protect women, but rather to preserve patriarchal control.

While each of these murders is a human and social tragedy on its own, their rapid recurrence reveals a pattern—one rooted in state policies, patriarchal religious doctrine, and a repressive apparatus.

The victims were left without legal protection, without institutional support, and the fundamental right to safety even within their own homes. In several instances, these women had repeatedly reported threats before their deaths, yet the judicial and police systems remained silent, indifferent, or even complicit in perpetuating the violence.

The government’s silence, absence of preventive policies, and failure to pass effective legislation to combat violence against women have not only enabled these crimes but have also normalized them.

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Rather than address this crisis, the clerical regime has reinforced traditional gender roles through state media and public discourse, framing women’s purpose as homemaking rather than professional contribution. In many impoverished provinces, women with degrees are relegated to precarious, low-paid jobs—if they can work at all—forcing some to accept dependency as a survival strategy. 

This systemic exclusion is a deliberate policy, not an economic oversight. Under economic stagnation and patriarchal messaging, the regime uses structural unemployment to suppress women’s empowerment. Despite these barriers, some educated women continue to engage in arts, activism, and grassroots efforts—mainly in urban centers—while those in rural and marginalized regions have fewer options.

The article concludes that the exclusion of women from the workforce is embedded in law, culture, media, and the state apparatus. It asserts that meaningful change for Iran’s educated women can only come with the overthrow of the clerical regime.

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Early Defiance against Mandatory Hijab: Just weeks after the mullahs' religious dictatorship was formed, Iranian women led massive protests in Tehran on March 8, 1979, against the regime's decree forcing them to wear the hijab. This was the first open defiance of Khomeini’s oppressive policies.

Organized Protests: By April 1981, the Muslim Mothers’ Society organized a massive rally of 200,000 women to protest regime violence. These same women and their daughters later participated in the June 20, 1981, uprising. For 2.5 years before June 20, 1981, women and girls joined opposition groups, particularly the PMOI/MEK, and actively participated in efforts to stop the tyrannical advances of the new regime.

On June 20, 1981, a turning point in Iran's resistance movement, women were at the forefront:

Participation in the Uprising: More than 500,000 Iranians, including mothers and daughters, marched to demand democracy and human rights. When Khomeini’s Revolutionary Guards opened fire, Iranian women had to choose between succumbing to suppression and the honor of resistance, and they chose the latter, answering the call of history.

Following the June 20, 1981, uprising, women became primary targets and symbols of resilience in prisons:

Mass Executions: A wave of mass arrests, executions, and torture followed the uprising. Teenage girls, some as young as 10, were executed without trial. At least 50 pregnant women were executed, including Tahereh Aghakhan Moghaddam, who was eight months pregnant. Dozens of grandmothers in their 60s and 70s were also victims. Public prosecutors even published photos of executed children in state-run newspapers. This marked the first time a dictator launched a "genocide" by releasing photos of unidentified young women he executed.

The legacy of Iranian women's resistance continues across generations:

"Generation Equality": The sources highlight "Generation Equality" as playing a significant role in the Iranian people’s resistance for freedom from the Shah’s time until today. Women who sacrificed their lives in the 1970s opened the way for large-scale female participation in the movement, followed by another generation in the 1980s whose struggles shook the foundations of the misogynous regime.

Continued Uprisings: Brave Iranian women and girls have pursued this path during subsequent uprisings in 1999, 2009, 2017, 2018, 2019, 2020, 2022, and 2023, with "Generation Equality" vowing to continue until the overthrow of the regime and the dawn of genuine freedom.

Unwavering Spirit: These women, regardless of age, education, profession, ethnicity, and economic class, chose the honor of resistance for freedom to defeat the enemy of their nation. Their stories, from mothers marching beside daughters to schoolgirls refusing to reveal comrades under torture, are not just echoes of the past but the reason the resistance continues today.

June 20 is now remembered as a symbol of sacrifice and unyielding defiance, reminding the world that oppression can be challenged, voices cannot be permanently silenced, and a new Iran is possible, with this legacy burning bright in the hearts of those who believe in a free and democratic Iran, both inside the country and in exile communities worldwide.

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Women make up more than 80% of Iran’s nursing workforce. Not only do they endure grueling shifts and emotional exhaustion, but they also face systemic gender discrimination. These women often shoulder both professional and domestic caregiving roles, stretching their physical and emotional limits.

Delayed bonuses, temporary 89-day contracts, salaries rarely exceeding 10–15 million tomans (approx. $150–250/month), and a lack of job security have compelled many to abandon their posts—despite deep professional commitment.

Meanwhile, in destination countries, these same nurses are welcomed with dignity, fair compensation, and safer working conditions.

Estimates suggest that 50,000 to 60,000 nurses in Iran are either unemployed, have left their jobs, or are unwilling to return to the profession. Every year, 1,800 to 2,000 nurses walk away from nursing altogether. This trend illustrates that retaining existing personnel is becoming a monumental challenge.

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When Being a Woman Is a Crime, and Earning Bread Is a Battle

As daily living conditions worsen for the general public and state repression intensifies, the situation for female heads of household, one of the most vulnerable segments of Iranian society, continues to deteriorate on all fronts.
The number of women who are the sole providers for their families is on the rise. These women often take on this role due to divorce, the death of a spouse, or their refusal to marry under the discriminatory laws that govern family and society in Iran. In doing so, they bear the household’s full economic and child-rearing responsibilities. They face mounting economic, social, and psychological challenges along this path. Additionally, they are deprived of even the most basic social protection and are often subjected to hidden forms of violence.

Statistical Overview

As with many other topics under the clerical regime, accurate statistics regarding female heads of households are deliberately obscured. According to the Donya-e-Eqtesad website (May 3, 2025), the total number of such women in Iran exceeds 6 million, with half of them lacking any form of insurance. Government-run media occasionally report on the annual increase in this vulnerable population.

This increase stems from several factors: economic hardship, poverty, unemployment, or the inability of male partners to provide financial support—often leading to divorce or male migration. Moreover, fatalities from accidents, state-led killings and arrests, and the COVID-19 pandemic in recent years have all contributed to the rising number of women left to support households on their own.

Many young women also opt out of marriage because of the archaic and discriminatory laws of the clerical regime and the absolute authority granted to men in the family structure. While this may shield them from some forms of violence and restriction, it places a heavy financial and emotional burden on them instead.

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In May 2024, Soudabeh Najafi, a Tehran City Council member and head of its Health Committee, described the presence of children working on the streets as a “serious red flag” being ignored by authorities. In an interview with Shargh Daily on May 14, 2024, Najafi warned that the number of child laborers in Tehran had noticeably increased in recent months and that “children’s presence on the streets is a crisis that must not be normalized.”

Najafi explained that the issue is being addressed in a fragmented manner by multiple institutions—including the Welfare Organization, Tehran Municipality, and the Governor’s Office—without unified oversight. “The main perpetrators of child labor in the city are those who take children from their parents and then deploy them for work under harsh and exploitative conditions,” she said.

The clerical regime avoids giving accurate statistics regarding the number of children involved in child labor. Moreover, occasionally, officials announce false statistics to downplay the gravity of the situation.

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Women are shuffled between institutions, often without support or protection. Forensic evidence, while technically available, is easily dismissed by abusers and rarely leads to convictions. Cultural taboos, fear of retaliation, and lack of legal safeguards ensure that witnesses remain silent and victims give up.

The ultimate consequence is fatal: since early 2025, dozens of Iranian women have been murdered by male relatives, many after failed attempts to seek help. With no protective infrastructure—no shelters, no follow-up, no legal enforcement—many women are sent back to abusive homes, reinforcing a cycle of violence.

The article concludes that the Iranian regime is not just failing women—it is structurally complicit. Gender-based violence is not an unintended flaw but a deliberate result of a system built to uphold patriarchal control.

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Ebadi a affirmé que, « selon l’Organisation des infirmiers, environ 2 000 infirmières avaient demandé des certificats d’émigration en 1402, mais que ce chiffre était tombé à moins de 1 300 en 1403. » Il a ajouté que cette baisse avait été « particulièrement marquée dans la seconde moitié de 1403, période durant laquelle la tendance à la hausse de la migration des infirmières aurait presque cessé ».

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Ebadi asserted that, “According to the Nursing Organization, only around 2,000 nurses applied for emigration certificates in 1402, but that number has dropped to under 1,300 in 1403.” He further stated that this decline has been “especially noticeable in the latter half of 1403, where upward trends in nurse migration have nearly stopped.”

Experts Call Government Statistics ‘Unbelievable and Misleading’
These claims have sparked a wave of disbelief, even among officials and analysts within the regime itself. Mohammad Sharifi-Moqaddam, Secretary-General of the House of Nurses, criticized the numbers:
“The Ministry of Health and the Nursing Organization are jointly presenting statistics to deflect from the real problems nurses are facing. They want to paint a picture that nurses are now satisfied and no longer migrating—when this is clearly not true.” (Khabar Online – June 6, 2025)

Sharifi-Moqaddam continued:
“When we stated that at least 3,000 Iranian nurses had emigrated, officials challenged our data—yet we relied on multiple credible sources. The fact is that nurse migration is not channeled through one official pipeline. There is no unified registry, so no one can accurately claim a ‘35% drop.’ We ask: how did they come up with this figure?”

Health policy expert Seyed Mohammad Alavi reinforced this skepticism:
“Assessing nurse migration solely based on the number of certificates issued by the Nursing Organization lacks any scientific validity. It risks grossly misrepresenting a complex and multifaceted issue.” (Hamshahri Online – May 31, 2025)

According to international data from destination countries, Iranian nurse migration between 2020 and 2024 has not decreased—in fact, it has grown faster than regional averages.

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Located near venues like Fadak Hall and the Juvenile Correction and Rehabilitation Center, this prison is not only plagued by dire sanitary conditions and inhumane living circumstances but has also become a site of systematic exploitation of female inmates.

According to a former detainee, women prisoners endure an unbearable and unsanitary environment, where 40 to 50 individuals are crammed into small spaces, some even deprived of a bed to sleep on. The lack of basic necessities, the spread of diseases such as lice among mothers and children, freezing cold showers, a shortage of cleaning supplies, and arbitrary restrictions are just a fraction of the hardships these women face daily.

But the story does not end there. Amidst their compounded suffering, incarcerated women are subjected to forced labor in a company called SNOVA. Under lucrative contracts with prison authorities, this company exploits the unpaid labor of inmates, reaping financial benefits that do not contribute to improving prison conditions but instead flow into the pockets of those in power.

Among the beneficiaries of this exploitation is Mohammad Reza Diani, a figure with a background in seminary studies and past ties to the Rouhani administration.

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The Women’s Ward: A Microcosm of Injustice

The women’s ward in Adelabad Prison consists of eight rooms, one designated for political and financial prisoners, separated from the others. Currently, three female political prisoners—Hoda Mehreganfar, Maryam Deris, and Hakimeh Honarmand—are held in this ward under harsh and degrading conditions.

• Hoda Mehreganfar, arrested alongside her father Mohammad-Ali Mehreganfar, endured 40 to 50 days in solitary confinement.
• Hakimeh Honarmand, a political prisoner from the 1980s, has faced years of imprisonment and security pressures. She was arrested with her son.
• Maryam Deris, a master's student from the southwestern city of Kazerun, was detained during the nationwide protests of 2022.

The ward is overcrowded, forcing many prisoners to sleep "book-style" (side by side, with barely any room to move) on cold, unheated floors.

Poor sanitation exacerbates the dire conditions, with toilets and showers inside the rooms, emitting foul odors that permeate the air. The lack of heating during the winter months makes survival even more challenging.

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The data, compiled by the National Statistical Center (NSC), underscores a bleak labor market that disproportionately penalizes the country’s youth and women, exposing the long-standing failures of the clerical regime’s economic policies.

With youth unemployment drastically higher than the national average, the report serves as yet another warning sign of systemic dysfunction under the Iranian regime.

Unemployment Soars Among Iran’s Youth

According to the report, the national unemployment rate in winter 2025 (December 2024 to March 2025) stood at 7.8%. But this average figure masks the crisis faced by younger Iranians. For those aged 20 to 24, the overall unemployment rate was an alarming 23.1%—three times the national average.

The next group most affected was the 25–29 age range, with a jobless rate of 17%. The 15–19 age group followed, registering a 15.8% unemployment rate.

These numbers reflect a growing demand for jobs among young Iranians as well as the regime’s failure to create sufficient employment opportunities.

The joblessness crisis is exacerbated by systemic issues like nepotism, the prioritization of regime loyalists in hiring, and widespread corruption.

Women Bear the Brunt of the Economic Collapse

Unemployment among women was even more catastrophic. The overall jobless rate for women in winter 2025 was 14.2%—more than double that of men, whose unemployment rate stood at 6.5%. But the most shocking figure was the unemployment rate for women aged 20 to 24, which reached a staggering 34.9%. Girls aged 15 to 19 weren’t far behind, with 30.7% unemployed. The third-highest group was women aged 25 to 29, with a 29.1% unemployment rate. This means that one out of every three young women seeking employment is unemployed.

In a country where women make up a significant portion of university graduates, this high unemployment rate is not only a cause for concern but also a sign of a dysfunctional system—one that has not only severely limited job opportunities but also institutionalized gender discrimination.

Iranian women face numerous economic, cultural, and legal challenges, all under the shadow of a patriarchal and repressive regime.

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Chabahar’s women aren’t asking for much—just survival with dignity.
After fleeing drought and devastation, they were promised jobs and housing.
Instead, they got slums, silence, and shame.  

In Chabahar’s slums, 70,000 migrants live in sewage-lined streets.
Kids play among open wires and disease.
Women face hunger, illiteracy, and addiction.
This is not a natural disaster. It’s a political one. 

 Setareh’s story is one of thousands in Chabahar.
Women heads of household, abandoned by the state, are surviving—but barely.
This is not migration. It’s displacement with no way back. 

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The relentless recurrence of such crimes is not the result of “momentary rage” or “personal disputes,” as often portrayed, but rather the direct consequence of structural inequality, a culture that tolerates violence, and the silence of responsible institutions.

These horrific cases of femicide highlight the escalating crisis of gender-based violence in Iran, where systemic legal shortcomings enable perpetrators to act with impunity.

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Other sources have stated that 60% of Iran’s population lives below the poverty line. (Bahar News – September 13, 2024)

And these are merely the figures that have been allowed to leak into government-controlled media. This means they should be considered the minimum, as the reality surpasses the numbers officially announced.

The hardship inflicted on Iranian children by poverty and inflation is one of the most devastating outcomes of the economic and social crises caused by the mullahs’ religious dictatorship in Iran. This has particularly impacted education, resulting in a growing illiteracy rate that experts warn poses a grave threat to Iran’s future.

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Natura Sistemica del Lavoro Forzato
Il lavoro forzato non è un evento isolato, ma una pratica abituale e istituzionalizzata all'interno del sistema carcerario iraniano riservato alle donne. Le detenute sono costrette a lavorare in vari settori, tra cui fabbriche, laboratori (tessitura di tappeti, sartoria, produzione di scarpe), pulizie, panetteria, cucina e confezionamento.

Ore di Lavoro Prolungate e Non Retribuite
Le donne detenute sono obbligate a lavorare per molte ore, spesso oltre l’orario lavorativo standard, senza adeguati periodi di riposo o una giusta retribuzione. Una testimonianza riferisce che le donne lavorano “senza sosta fino alle 16:30, anche se dovremmo rientrare entro le 15:00”. Un’altra fonte evidenzia che alcune lavorano fino alle 22:00. Nonostante l’intensa fatica, i salari percepiti sono definiti “miseri”, variando da appena 30.000 a 200.000 toman al mese.

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Nature Systémique du Travail Forcé

Le travail forcé n’est pas un incident isolé, mais une pratique routinière et institutionnalisée dans le système carcéral iranien à l’encontre des femmes. Les détenues sont contraintes de travailler dans divers domaines, notamment dans les usines, ateliers (tissage de tapis, couture, fabrication de chaussures), le nettoyage, la boulangerie, la cuisine et l’emballage.

Heures de Travail Prolongées et Non Rémunérées

Les femmes détenues sont forcées de travailler pendant de longues heures, souvent au-delà de la journée de travail standard, sans repos adéquat ni rémunération équitable. Un témoignage décrit des femmes travaillant « sans arrêt jusqu'à 16h30, alors que nous devrions rentrer à 15h ». Une autre source mentionne un travail se prolongeant jusqu'à 22h pour certaines. Malgré ces efforts intensifs, les salaires perçus sont qualifiés de « dérisoires », allant de seulement 30 000 à 200 000 tomans par mois.

Exploitation et Absence de Protection Juridique

Les prisonnières qui travaillent dans ces conditions ne sont pas protégées par le droit du travail, les exigences de salaire minimum ou l’assurance sociale. Aucun document légal ne leur est fourni pour leur travail, les exposant ainsi à une exploitation accrue. Un membre du Conseil suprême du travail confirme que « les travailleuses en prison ne sont pas couvertes par le droit du travail, ni par les assurances, et ne sont pas supervisées par le ministère du Travail ». Les profits générés par leur travail bénéficient principalement à l’administration pénitentiaire, en particulier aux directeurs de prison.

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Systemic Nature of Forced Labor
Forced labor is not an isolated incident but a routine and institutionalized practice within Iran's prison system for women. Prisoners are compelled to work in various capacities, including factory work, workshops (carpet weaving, tailoring, shoe-making), cleaning, bakery, cooking, and packaging.

Extended and Uncompensated Work Hours
Female prisoners are forced to work long hours, often exceeding the standard workday, without adequate rest or fair compensation. One account describes women working "non-stop until 4:30 PM, even though we should return by 3 PM." Another source highlights work extending as late as 10 p.m. for some. Despite this strenuous labor, the wages received are described as "meager," ranging from as low as 30,000 tomans to 200,000 tomans per month.

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Some officials and members of the Iranian Parliament (Majlis) openly oppose the bill. For example, the Vice-Chairman of the Parliamentary Judicial Commission has declared it contrary to the mullahs’ version of Iran, claiming it weakens family foundations. Similarly, Ensieh KhazAli, former Deputy for Women and Family Affairs under Ebrahim Raisi, dismissed the bill by asserting, “Violence is not prevalent in our families.” (Mehr News Agency, August 23, 2023)

Outrageous opposition like this, laden with misogynistic rhetoric, abounds. This article focuses on exposing the clerical regime’s false claims of supporting women.

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Female Heads of Household: The Poorest Breadwinners

According to the National Statistics Center of Iran (NSC), there were nearly 4 million female heads of household in Iran in 2020. (mokhaberatema.ir, October 20, 2021)

The latest NSC report on household expenses and income for the year 2020 indicates that out of a total of 25,685,000 heads of household in the country, 3,517,000 were women. Notably, of these 3.5 million female heads of household, nearly 1.5 million were single self-sustaining women (living alone). In other words, approximately 13.7% of all heads of household in Iran are women, and about 41.5% of these women live independently. (mashreghnews.ir, April 9, 2022)

Nearly half of the female breadwinners belong to the poorest segments of society. According to official statistics, within the lowest income decile (the poorest), about 45% of heads of household are women. (salamatnews.com, October 20, 2021)

It is important to note that the Iranian regime lacks transparency regarding statistics. It must be assumed that the actual figures are significantly higher than those published by the NSC. For example, Ensieh Khazali, the former deputy for women’s and family affairs, stated in June 2022 that “unofficial statistics indicate that we have nearly 6 million female heads of household.” Before her, Tayebeh Siavoshi, a former member of the regime’s parliament, had indicated that the number could vary and reach up to 5 million. (ICANA.ir, August 7, 2017)

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However, according to unofficial estimates, around 80% of the population in Iran lives below the poverty line and cannot consume 2,100 calories a day; this means over 72 million people are living in poverty in Iran.

Yet behind this general statistic lies a harsher, more invisible truth: women in Iran are disproportionately impacted by poverty, both economically and socially, due to structural inequalities, legal discrimination, and systemic exclusion from the labor market.

A report by the Iranian Parliament’s Research Center (Majlis) confirms that by 1401 (March 2023), over 32 million Iranians lived below absolute poverty. This line is defined as the inability to afford necessities such as food, housing, healthcare, and education. But women, particularly female heads of households, rural women, and single mothers, face unique vulnerabilities that these figures only hint at.

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Nel sistema giuridico iraniano, le donne non sono riconosciute come capofamiglia. Tuttavia, sono costrette a lavorare per molte ore, ben oltre l’orario legale, in officine e laboratori di produzione.

Alla sera, tornano a casa per occuparsi dei figli e dei familiari malati, assumendosi anche le faccende domestiche nonostante una profonda stanchezza.

Panoramica sulla condizione delle lavoratrici in Iran
Non esistono statistiche affidabili sul numero esatto di donne lavoratrici in Iran. I pochi dati disponibili provengono da agenzie governative e sono incompleti. Gran parte di queste donne lavora nel settore informale o svolge attività a domicilio, il che le rende ancora più vulnerabili. Assunte con contratti poco chiari, talvolta firmati in bianco prima ancora di iniziare, ricevono spesso salari inferiori al minimo legale.

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Les femmes travailleuses en Iran, aux mains calleuses et aux corps épuisés, portent le poids des inégalités sociales et de genre imposées par le régime clérical.

Dans le système juridique iranien, les femmes ne sont pas reconnues comme cheffes de famille. Pourtant, elles sont contraintes de travailler de longues heures, bien au-delà de la durée légale, dans des ateliers de production.

Le soir venu, elles rentrent chez elles pour s’occuper de leurs enfants et des membres malades de la famille, assumant également les tâches ménagères malgré une profonde fatigue.

Aperçu de la condition des travailleuses en Iran

Il n’existe aucune statistique fiable sur le nombre exact de femmes travailleuses en Iran. Les rares données disponibles proviennent des agences gouvernementales et sont incomplètes. Une grande partie de ces femmes exercent dans des emplois informels ou travaillent à domicile, ce qui les rend encore plus vulnérables. Employées sous des contrats flous, parfois signés à blanc avant même de commencer, elles perçoivent souvent un salaire inférieur au minimum légal.

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Most of the murders have been described by authorities as resulting from “family disputes,” “honor-related motives,” or “requests for divorce.” These vague labels not only obscure the gravity of the crimes but also reinforce systemic impunity and normalize violence against women within deeply patriarchal frameworks.

These horrific cases of femicide highlight the escalating crisis of gender-based violence in Iran, where systemic legal shortcomings enable perpetrators to act with impunity.

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In this episode, we’ll explore the haunting stories of Iranian women who are not only imprisoned for their political beliefs or activism but are also subjected to a slow, cruel death behind bars. This is not accidental—it is state policy. By weaponizing illness and withholding care, the regime sends a chilling message to all who dare to resist.

We speak about those who have been directly affected by this brutality. We also discuss the broader implications for human rights, particularly women’s rights, in Iran. 

If you care about justice, if you believe in human dignity, and especially if you stand with Iranian women in their struggle for freedom, this episode is for you. Stay with us as we bring their stories to the forefront—and don’t forget to share this episode with others. Their lives—and voices—depend on it.

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Reports indicate that women in Iran face significant gender and social inequalities imposed by the clerical regime. Despite often being essential household breadwinners, they aren't legally recognized as such.
And this isn't just a minor inconvenience. These women are frequently forced to work long hours, often beyond standard limits, in production workshops. Then, after exhausting shifts, they return home to carry out household duties, caring for children and ailing family members. It's a double burden.
Getting accurate data on these workers is difficult. Many are in informal jobs or home-based occupations, making them particularly vulnerable.
Host 2: And vulnerable they are. These informal workers are frequently employed under vague or pre-signed blank contracts. A "pre-signed blank contract," or "white-signed contract," is where the worker signs before key terms like salary or duration are filled in, giving the employer total control. This practice is described as illegal or exploitative in many places and strips workers of basic protections.
As a result, they often earn less than the legal minimum wage. And speaking of the minimum wage, for 2025, it was set at about 10 million and 390 thousand tomans, or roughly 111 US dollars.
Which is incredibly low considering the cost of living. According to government media, that minimum wage isn't even enough to cover the weekly expenses of a three-person family. A member of the High Council of Workers’ Unions estimated the real cost of living is closer to over 50 million tomans, or about 530 USD.

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Mostafa was arrested in September 1972 at the age of 26. He was in contact with many merchants and workers. During the two and a half years he spent in prison, the criminal Sabeti and all the torturers under his command subjected him to the most horrific torture. But even under SAVAK’s most savage brutality, they could not break his will or extract any information.

For a long time, he wasn’t allowed any visits. Once, when my mother went to see him, a torturer arrived with a paper and pen and insisted, “By the honor of His Majesty, if you write just two lines, you’ll be freed immediately.” Mostafa mockingly replied, “I don’t know how to read or write.”

The Shah’s SAVAK had arrested and taken members of our family hostage to pressure Mostafa. I was arrested several times so they could reach my husband. The notorious torturer “Tehrani” constantly pressured me to divorce him.

This tactic of taking families hostage under the Shah is the same dirty policy that has become an official strategy of this regime — advancing its goals through hostage-taking. Unfortunately, European governments still yield to it.

Due to torture, Mostafa became extremely frail and thin. This 26-year-old young man looked like an old man. During the last visit, to hide his condition, they made him wear several layers of clothing to conceal the fact that he was nothing but skin and bones. The visitation room was a tiny space, barely two meters by one. Even there, his torturer, who looked like a monster, stood glued to him.

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Surprised by the enormous tide of brave women and the people who supported them, the regime mobilized the IRGC to crack down on the protest.

The Revolutionary Guards attacked the protest by brave mothers supporting the PMOI and killed two PMOI supporters, a student, and a worker. Dozens of women were wounded. But the repressive forces could not stop the protesters from moving on to their destination.

Many of the brave mothers who participated in this protest demonstration were later arrested and executed by the regime.

On April 27, 1981, the protest was launched without prior public notice. The brave mothers sponsoring the demonstration had personally informed their friends, relatives, and acquaintances to participate. A large crowd consisting of various strata joined the mothers whose protest and march were successfully launched by the active participation of women.

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Despite its limited capacity, the prison currently holds at least 3,500 inmates. Many face severe shortages of essential needs such as clean drinking water, proper nutrition, and basic hygiene supplies. Meals are extremely poor in quality and lack nutritional value, leading to a wide range of physical health problems among the incarcerated women.

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Narges Mohammadpour's tragic death, which occurred after a high-pressure shift involving the emergency cesarean section of a baby, has sent shockwaves through the Iranian medical community, sparking concerns about the escalating burden on medical interns and the lack of adequate support from the Iranian regime.

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At the signing ceremony, Education Minister Alireza Kazemi openly pledged allegiance to the notorious police chief, referring to himself as a "proud soldier" of Radan. Kazemi described violation of "hijab and chastity" as cultural "threats" that require targeted educational and cultural interventions.

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Their stories, drawn from every corner of the country, testify to a shared resolve: they will not be silenced, and they will not forget. These heroines face daily threats, harassment, and imprisonment. Yet, they continue to demand accountability and freedom, refusing to let their children’s deaths be in vain. Whether by standing before the regime’s courts or boldly declaring their solidarity with the Resistance, these women exemplify the soul of Iran’s fight for liberation.

In their pain lies purpose. In their defiance, hope. Together, their voices form a growing chorus that shakes the foundations of a brutal regime—and inspires a nation to rise.

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A Growing Shortage of Nurses

The Iranian regime has kept nurses’ salaries below the poverty line while increasing their workload by reducing the number of hospital staff. As a result, many nurses are leaving their jobs, switching professions, or migrating to other countries.

According to official data from the Ministry of Health, approximately 1,800 nurses leave their jobs in Iran each year. A report in the state-run newspaper Vatan-e Emrooz (February 19, 2025) acknowledges the worsening situation, stating:

• Iran is training and exporting free nurses to the world!
• There are currently 250,000 nurses serving a population of 85 million. Meanwhile, 3,000 nurses apply for migration each year.
• For every 12,000 new nursing graduates annually, over 3,000 seek employment abroad.

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In Iran, the fundamental right to healthcare is increasingly out of reach, particularly for women, as the regime prioritizes its survival over the welfare of its people. Under the dictatorship of Velayat al-Faqih, preserving the regime takes precedence, often at the expense of citizens' basic rights.

The healthcare crisis in Iran is exacerbated by widespread poverty and soaring costs, leaving many unable to access essential medical services. For women, the situation is even more dire, as they are systematically treated as second-class citizens.

Nahid Khodakarmi, head of Iran's Midwifery Association, highlighted the issue in 2017, noting the significant gaps in women’s health services, particularly for pregnant mothers. “Comprehensive health centers and bases lack adequate services for women's health, fertility, and maternity care, which face serious challenges and a troubling lack of transparency,” Khodakarmi said.

According to Khodakarami, until 2015, all health centers had three units including “family planning,” “mother and child’s health,” and “midwifery.” These units were completely eliminated from the Plan on the Transformation of the Health System in 2016. Therefore, there no longer are any departments specifically concentrated on pregnancy health and pregnant women. (ISNA, January 7, 2017)

Notably, the systemic collapse of healthcare services cannot be rebuilt under a regime marred by misogyny and disregard for human rights.

Marzieh Vahid Dastjerdi, a former Minister of Health, recently shed light on the dire consequences of this neglect.

“One of the critical issues we’ve faced for years is the shortage of female specialist doctors in various fields,” Dastjerdi explained. “This has deterred many women from seeking medical attention until their conditions become chronic or life-threatening, significantly increasing morbidity and mortality rates among women.”

Dastjerdi cited breast cancer as a stark example. While the global average age of onset is typically over 55, Iranian women are commonly diagnosed between the ages of 40 and 49. “Tragically, many women delay seeing a doctor until tumors have grown beyond 4 to 5 centimeters, making treatment less effective and mortality rates alarmingly high,” she noted. The root cause, according to Dastjerdi, is the lack of female cancer specialists and surgeons in Iran. (ISNA, February 8, 2024)

With women disproportionately affected by the regime’s negligence, the healthcare crisis serves as a stark reminder of the systemic oppression they endure in Iran.

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These women have been resisting this oppression and control from the very moment the current regime came into power, facing imprisonment, arrest, torture, and executions. The courage it takes is unbelievable. And when you look back at the history of this struggle, you can see echoes of other women’s movements.

Over the past 30 years, Iranian women have taken the lead in the organized opposition, pushing this fight to a whole new level. 

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And today, we’re diving into the fierce and relentless battle of Iranian women. They’ve been at the forefront of the fight for freedom and democracy in Iran, and their courage is nothing short of inspiring.

When we think of Iran, unfortunately, the image that often comes to mind is one of oppression—particularly the suppression of women’s rights. Women in Iran have had their basic freedoms taken away, whether it's the right to choose their attire, participate fully in society, or live without fear of violence.

It’s so important to recognize that the repression in Iran isn't just about the compulsory hijab. It goes far deeper. The regime’s control over women is a tool to maintain its power, and it's been that way for over 40 years. But what we don’t hear enough about is the other side of this story: the fierce resistance of Iranian women.

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As we mark the anniversary of the 1979 Revolution, on February 11, 1979, we’ll take a closer look at the significant role women played in this historic movement—how they defied societal norms, risked their lives, and stood at the forefront of the revolution. Their fight for freedom didn’t end in 1979, and today, we’ll also examine how their legacy continues to inspire the ongoing struggle for women’s rights in Iran.

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It really lives up to that reputation. Qarchak is the only all-women’s prison in Iran, located in Varamin, about 35 kilometers southeast of Tehran. But it’s far from being a place of rehabilitation. Overcrowding, filthy living conditions, and the mistreatment of inmates make it a living nightmare.

And we’re talking about political prisoners here too, right?

Yes, many inmates are political prisoners or activists who’ve committed no crime other than speaking out. But they’re lumped in with dangerous criminals. It’s a blatant violation of the principle of separating prisoners by crime type, and the regime does it deliberately.

Why would they do that?

To pile on the pressure. It’s psychological torture. Imagine being a political prisoner and having to fear attacks from violent criminals constantly. The regime essentially uses these criminals to intimidate and even harm activists. It’s a way to kill or severely injure political prisoners without taking the blame.

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To begin, let us remember Ghazaaleh Hodoodi, a 27-year-old mother from Sanandaj, whose life was tragically cut short just last week. This young woman’s story is heartbreaking, and her case is emblematic of the institutionalized violence women endure daily in Iran.

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Could you tell us more about Ghazaaleh’s story and what makes her case particularly significant?

Certainly. Ghazaaleh Hodoodi was a resilient young mother raising her 11-year-old daughter, Niyan, as a single parent. She worked as a tailor to support her family after divorcing her husband, who spent most of his life in prison. Tragically, her attacker, Sirvan Sa'edpanah, had harassed her repeatedly after she declined his marriage proposals. On the evening of December 25, he entered her shop with a bottle of gasoline and set her on fire. Despite her desperate attempt to escape and the efforts of her family to save her, Ghazaaleh succumbed to her injuries two days later.

What makes this case even more disturbing is that Sirvan Sa'edpanah is affiliated with the Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), highlighting the impunity that many perpetrators enjoy under the regime. Meanwhile, Ghazaaleh’s daughter, Niyan, is now in the custody of her paternal family, leaving her future uncertain.

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The announcement of the enforcement of the law on November 27 created a strong backlash, a wave of protests, extensive graffiti on the walls, and operations by Resistance Units across the country in the name of “Women, Resistance, Freedom” to confront the regime’s repressive measure against women. Various sectors of society that held protests changed slogans demanding freedom of choice for women’s dress code. 

This law and now its temporary suspension by the regime’s Supreme National Security Council highlight not only the regime’s struggles to maintain control but also the threats it faces from a volatile and extremely discontented society. 

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 While violence against women is a global issue, the situation in Iran is very concerning since it has been systemic and institutionalized under the clerical regime. The government not only fails to protect women but actively promotes misogynistic laws. So, women in Iran live under constant threat, both from the state and within their own homes.

The legal system, under the clerics, is deeply flawed and heavily biased against women. A man who kills his wife can often escape punishment under the guise of “honor,” while women are punished harshly, even for defending themselves.

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We dedicate this episode to the women of the November 2019 uprising, and we’ll focus on the role of women in the Resistance Units and their contributions to the fight for Iran’s freedom.  

Let’s start with this question: How would you describe the November 2019 uprising?  

The November 2019 uprising was sparked on the 15th of November by a sudden hike in fuel prices. Protests rapidly spread to 191 cities. Iranians from all walks of life poured into the streets, chanting slogans like “Death to Khamenei” and “Death to Rouhani.” 

In the early days of the uprising, protesters in cities such as Shiraz in the south, Behbahan in the southwest, Tehran Province, and other major cities temporarily liberated areas, challenging security forces and significantly disrupting the regime’s control.  

Regime officials admitted that they were simultaneously battling the uprising in 900 locations nationwide, with 146 crisis points in Tehran alone. The scale and intensity of the uprising shook the regime to its core, so much so that they could only suppress it through brutal massacres. This uprising revealed the explosive potential and power of the Iranian people to overthrow the regime.

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The regime's treatment of political prisoners has always been harsh. Some reports reveal an even more sinister strategy: forcing illness and breaking prisoners through brutal tactics that often lead to irreversible health damage—or worse. Today, we’ll dive into these practices and bring to light the voices of those who have endured the unimaginable. 

To anyone who has followed Iran’s recent history, the stories of political prisoners are already gut-wrenching. But what we're talking about today is a method of control that goes beyond physical and psychological torture. Prisoners who resist the regime or refuse to cooperate face medical torture: they’re given injections or forced to take pills, often leading to chronic autoimmune diseases or mental breakdowns. These are not isolated cases—this is a systematic campaign to destroy the bodies and spirits of dissidents.

The term some have used is “biological assassination.” Think about that for a moment. These prisoners are not just being silenced; they’re being slowly dismantled from the inside. Some are given drugs that disrupt their immune systems, leading to diseases like multiple sclerosis (MS) and lupus. And for those who resist even further? The regime escalates with psychoactive drugs that induce total psychological collapse, making even the strongest individuals weak and vulnerable.

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 This bill, which has stirred both domestic and international outrage, was actually approved by the Guardian Council about a month ago. One of the parliament members had already announced it back on September 17, but the government still hasn’t moved forward with its implementation. Then, just recently on October 19, the Guardian Council’s spokesperson again confirmed at a news conference that the bill is officially approved.

The bill enforces stricter penalties on women who refuse to comply with the mandatory hijab. It turns the regime’s repressive hijab regulations into law, with a range of punishments including fines, prison sentences, and restrictions on education and employment for women who don’t comply with the mandatory dress code. This also extends to banning services to unveiled women and even implementing gender segregation in parks, hospitals, and universities.
The UN has condemned the bill, calling it gender apartheid. 

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Today, we’re focusing on a critical issue in Iran’s healthcare sector that has been escalating in recent months. Nurses across the country have been speaking out, not only in protests but also through a concerning rise in resignations and emigration.

The situation for Iranian nurses has been dire for years, but this past summer saw a tipping point. Their demands for fair pay, humane working conditions, and an end to mandatory overtime have been ignored by the government for far too long. And with hundreds of nurses leaving every month, Iran’s healthcare system is under immense pressure.

Let’s start with some background. Iranian nurses have been vocal about their working conditions for quite some time. Nursing is a physically and mentally demanding job, but in Iran, it’s taken to another level. 

Many nurses are forced to work two consecutive shifts just to make ends meet, only to find themselves still below the poverty line. And then, there’s the chronic shortage of nursing staff.

Iran currently has a severe shortage of nurses—around 100,000 fewer than needed. This gap has led to unbearable working hours for those who remain, which explains the steady rise in emigration. Each year, thousands of nurses seek better conditions abroad. Some reports even state that up to 3,000 nurses have left annually.

These working conditions have a tragic human cost, too. In August, we saw protests erupt after the heartbreaking death of Parvaneh Mandani, a 32-year-old nurse from Fars Province. She collapsed and passed away due to overwork, which the media described as a case of "Karoshi syndrome" or death from overwork—a term more common in countries like Japan but now becoming tragically relevant in Iran.

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Compelling political prisoners or their spouses to divorce is a common method of psychological torture used as a tool to weaken and break political prisoners by tearing apart their families. It’s also a message to others who might be pondering opposition to the regime. 

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Let's start by talking about the recent spike in executions in Iran. 

Since the inauguration of the Iranian regime’s new president and his cabinet, there’s been a disturbing increase in executions. Between July 22 and August 31, at least 138 people were executed, including nine women and two political prisoners. 

This surge is part of a broader strategy by the regime to instill fear and suppress any potential uprisings. The most shocking event was the mass execution of 29 individuals on August 7, with 26 hanged simultaneously in Ghezel Hesar Prison. Additionally, the regime resumed public executions, a practice not seen since December 2022.

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We'll also touch on the broader healthcare crisis in Iran. We hope you find this episode both informative and engaging.
The situation in Iran’s healthcare system is extremely troubling. Economic instability, low wages, and forced overtime are pushing both doctors and nurses to their limits. Nurses earn as little as $4 for an eight-hour shift, and many are considering alternative jobs, like driving for ride-hailing apps, to make ends meet. Doctors aren’t much better off, with consultation fees so low they barely cover basic living expenses. This has led to a mass exodus of healthcare professionals, leaving the system in a precarious state. In the past year alone, about 3,000 nurses have left the country.

The rate of emigration among Iranian nurses has surged dramatically. In 2021, an average of 100 to 150 nurses left the country each month. By 2024, that number had jumped to 300 per month. This exodus has led to mass resignations in hospitals nationwide, worsening an already dire situation.

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Who is Masoud Pezeshkian and what’s his background? 

Masoud Pezeshkian, a general surgeon by profession, was born in 1954 in Mahabad, West Azerbaijan. His political career spans several decades, featuring some high-profile positions within the Iranian regime. Before becoming president, he was best known for his role as the Minister of Health under Mohammad Khatami. Pezeshkian has also served five terms in the mullahs’ parliament from 2008 to 2024.

He is referred to as a reformist? Is that true or just a myth?

Well, some people have tried to paint him as a reformist figure. But if you take a closer look at his background, actions, and stances, it tells a different story. He's been a staunch supporter of the regime’s core principles and practices from the start, especially when it comes to women’s freedom of choice. The most telling sign is his proclamation that he won’t change course and will continue the policies of his notorious predecessor, Ebrahim Raisi.

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Dozens of distinguished women from around the world attended the Free Iran 2024 World Summit to express their support for the only democratic alternative to the clerical regime in Iran: The National Council of Resistance of Iran and its President-elect, Maryam Rajavi, along with her Ten-Point Plan. Among them were Liz Truss, the British Prime Minister in 2022; former senior French minister Michelle Alliot-Marie; Prof. Dr. Rita Süssmuth, the former 10-year President of the Federal Parliament of Germany; former presidents of Estonia and Ecuador; the former vice-president of Costa Rica; the former prime minister of Moldova; a former minister in the government of Afghanistan; and the former presidents of the European Bar Federation, Dominique Attias and Izabela Konopacka, as well as members of parliament from 50 countries across five continents.

Today, we’ll hear excerpts from the speeches of a few of these remarkable women. 

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In this episode, we will examine women's crucial role in the 43-year struggle for freedom in Iran, from their involvement in the Iranian opposition to their current efforts within the Resistance Units inside Iran. We'll especially focus on their acts of support for the NCRI from across the country.

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You’ve probably heard the news about Raisi, the Iranian regime’s president, dying in a helicopter crash. This news has brought immense joy and relief to the people of Iran, as one of the key figures behind the executions since 1979 is no longer.

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In this episode, we're going to tackle the disturbing issue of sexual abuse, which has been systematically used by the clerical regime as a tool to break female political prisoners for decades. It's a deeply troubling topic, but it's crucial that we shine a light on these atrocities and work towards justice and accountability.

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The new plan, called “Noor”, which means “light” has been implemented by the State Security Force to enforce the law, which has not yet been approved by the Guardian Council. 

Over the past week, since the start of this plan, hundreds of women who openly oppose the regime’s mandatory dress code have been violently arrested on the streets and taken into detention. 

In this episode, we’re going to delve into this issue and its various aspects. 

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The UN Special Rapporteur on human rights violations in Iran, Professor Javaid Rehman, reached significant conclusions at the end of his six-year mandate indicating the need for international investigations into the massacre of political prisoners in Iran in 1988. In his report to the Human Rights Council, he urged the international community to call for accountability with respect to long-standing emblematic events that have been met with persistent impunity, including the enforced disappearances and summary and arbitrary executions of 1981 and 1988 and the protests of November 2019. 

The Independent International Fact-Finding Mission, appointed in November 2022 by the UN Human Rights Council to investigate violations of human rights during Iran protests, also submitted its first report stating, “The violent repression of peaceful protests and pervasive institutional discrimination against women and girls has led to serious human rights violations by the Government of Iran, many amounting to CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY.”
The FFM found the Iranian regime responsible for the death of Mahsa Jina Amini in the custody of the morality police.

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In this episode we’re going to discuss some of the issues covered by the NCRI Women’s Committee’s Annual Report 2024 which just came out on the eve of International Women’s Day. 

The Annual Report focuses on the events spanning from March 2023 to March 2024, concerning the struggle of women in Iran for freedom, democracy, and equality.

Compared to the previous year, Iranian women faced even harsher conditions, yet demonstrated even greater courage and heightened resilience in the face of intensified oppression imposed by the clerical regime. They undertook various forms of resistance, including confronting security forces on university campuses, participating in street protests, seeking justice for fallen children, displaying resistance and bravery even in prison, and engaging in anti-repression operations despite the risk of severe punishment if caught.

The Annual Report portrays female political prisoners as symbols of remarkable resistance and bravery, even in the face of harsh conditions such as solitary confinement, attacks by security forces, and additional sentences for continued resistance.

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The roots of this defiance can be traced back to the 1979 Revolution, when thousands of teenagers rose up against the Shah, seeking freedom and an end to dictatorship. Many of these young activists paid the ultimate price, executed by the newly established clerical regime. Yet, their spirit of rebellion lives on in today's generation of Iranian youth.

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Let’s start with a brief roundup of the events.

·         The Iranian regime carried out a massive 850 plus executions in 2023, that included 25 women and 20 political prisoners. 

·         Hundreds of rights activists and opposition members, including dozens of women, faced arrests, and heavy sentences. 

·         Female prisoners associated with the opposition group PMOI/MEK faced severe charges, which could lead to the death penalty.

·         Mothers of slain protesters face prison sentences for seeking justice for their sons. 

·         Women are imprisoned and flogged for removing their Hijab.

·         Political prisoners in the women’s ward of Evin held a protest to judiciary officials’ entering their ward and forced them out of the ward. 

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Iranian universities have long served as hubs of knowledge. Alongside knowledge, there emerges a deep longing for freedom. Consequently, many leaders of opposition movements in Iran have risen from universities, drawing from the most informed sectors of Iranian intellectuals.

Today, we explore the pivotal role of female students within universities and their involvement in the 2022-2023 uprising in Iran.

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It’s fitting to remember dozens of young women who paid the ultimate price during the 2022 protests. 

Let’s remember Donya Farhadi, a 22-year-old student of Architecture at Azad University of Ahvaz, in the southwest Khuzestan province. Donya had been missing since December 7 after she had an argument with Basij militia members on the campus that day. Her body was found on the 15th of December on the banks of Karun River in Ahvaz. Her chest had been pierced by three bullets. However, the regime initially claimed that she had jumped down from the Karun bridge and committed suicide.

We also had the case of Nasrin Qaderi from Marivan, Kurdistan. She was 38 years old and a student of Ph.D. in philosophy. Security forces hit her on the head during a protest in Tehran on the 4th of November. She slipped into a coma and died the next day in a hospital. Again, the state media claimed that she had died due to a chronic disease.

 There was also Negin Abdolmaleki who was only 21. She came from Qorveh, Kurdistan, but studied medical engineering at the Industrial University of Hamedan. She was repeatedly hit on the head by batons during a protest on October 11 in the city. She was severely injured. When she returned to the dormitory, she died due to severe bleeding. The authorities claimed that she had been intoxicated by expired canned fish!!

Let us also remember Behnaz Afshari, a 23-year-old woman from Pakdasht, in Tehran Province. She left home on the 26th of October to participate in protests in Tehran but never returned home. Her body was found after five days in forensics medicine. 

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Kidnappings and abductions of female protesters, even doctors aiding them, resulted in rape and torturous deaths. Dr. Ayda Rostami's family revealed her horrifying injuries—her eye enucleated, nose and cheek bones smashed. 

It's meant to instill fear and deter protests, rather than addressing the public's grievances. Repression and economic crises persist, fueling discontent, yet these brutal methods are the regime's response. 

They knowingly pay the price for freedom. Like the previous generation who resisted the regime's repression in the 1980s. Thousands of women from the opposition MEK and other groups were killed under torture or executed by firing squads. From 10 and 13 years olds to elderly mothers, and pregnant women. This ruthless history persists in today's methods of torture, echoing the regime's brutal past, impacting Iran's history and fostering a spirit of resistance among the younger generations.

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Armita's life took a tragic turn in October, and her story sheds light on the oppressive mandates imposed by the Iranian regime, particularly the compulsory veil enforced on women and girls.

Armita Geravand's story is both tragic and powerful, and it's essential to bring her story to the forefront.

As you just mentioned, Armita was a youthful, energetic, and talented young woman who was going to school with her friends on Sunday, October 1.

Their rendez vous was at 7 a.m. at the metro station. Armita and her friends were walking without covering their hair.

Now, when they boarded the train, something happened and they walked back out carrying Armita with them, as she was bleeding from her head. She slipped into a coma and the regime announced her brain death after 28 days.

The official narrative is that she experienced a sudden drop in blood pressure because she had skipped breakfast. Consequently, she collapsed inside the train, hitting her head on a sharp iron edge.

But how could that happen? She was with her friends. I read that she was the one in between. Even if she fainted, her friends could have grabbed her and prevented her from experiencing such a strong impact.

Even some doctors have stated that a drop in blood pressure could not have led to such a sudden collapse and severe trauma.

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In today's episode, we will delve into the heart-wrenching details of 16-year-old Armita Geravand's battle for survival. Her story gained international attention after she was brutally assaulted by a Hijab enforcer.

Join us as we explore the latest updates and the unsettling circumstances that have come to light.

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This situation is both timely and alarming. The expulsion of students began several months ago, and now, in August, professors are also facing termination. These actions coincide with the approaching first anniversary of the nationwide uprising in 2022 and are driven by the regime's fear of another revolt. Their goal? To quash last year's leaders—the students—and stifle the university, which served as a focal point for protests.

During last year's nationwide movement, universities played a vital role in the protests. Today, numerous university students and professors have been arrested, summoned, banned, suspended, or terminated.

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August marks the anniversary of this massacre, where the death commissions in prisons across Iran carried out a quiet yet hurried genocide. They aimed to execute anyone with ties to the Iranian Opposition Movement, the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI).

We focus on the profound impact of the massacre on women. As we reflect on the 1988 massacre, it’s important to recognize that women bore a heavy burden during those dark days. 

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 The Guidance Patrols have a history of enforcing a strict dress code on women, namely the mandatory hijab, in Iran. Last year, in mid-September, the violent beating and subsequent death of a young woman sparked nationwide protests which beyond women’s demand for freedom of choice, called for the overthrow of the entire mullahs’ regime. 

In response to the public’s angry reaction to Mahsa Amini’s death in Police custody, the regime withdrew the guidance patrols, and their vans vanished from the streets.

 The first question is why did the Iranian regime relaunch the patrols on the 16th of July? 

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The World Economic Forum recently published its Global Gender Gap Report for 2023, shedding light on the state of gender equality in countries around the world. According to this report, Iran ranks a startling 143rd out of 146 countries examined, signaling a significant downward trend compared to previous years.

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Furthermore, we will briefly examine the alarming escalation of executions in Iran and the inhumane treatment endured by the families of execution victims. Lastly, we will address the heartbreaking struggles faced by the families of death row prisoners, highlighting their immense hardships.

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These incidents involve toxic chemicals, which have caused symptoms, including headaches, vomiting, and breathing difficulties. Some students have even been hospitalized due to the severity of their symptoms. 

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The mullahs intensified their measures against opponents of the mandatory hijab in March. 

Businesses that served opponents of the hijab were shut down during the Nowruz holidays, and security personnel prevented access to airports and historical sites.

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 This cruel and inhumane act is the Iranian regime's latest attempt to silence protests and the ongoing revolution led by young women and schoolgirls.

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The widespread and systematic poisoning of female students across the country is an unprecedented crime that only the inhuman clerical regime can commit. 

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For thousands of years in Iran, women’s clothing and covering were a matter of personal choice, a social issue that was never deemed a privilege. Iranian women chose to wear the Hijab and cover their hair and body depending on their own tendencies and the culture in which they were brought up.

However, this changed with the advent of dictators who sought to impose rules on women's clothing. 

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And if you’re young, you lose your beauty to the end of your life. You may even lose your job and even your friends and family. 

Now, let’s go over the stories of some women who became blind to learn of the fighting spirit of these brave women who are paying the price of freedom. 

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During more than 100 days of the Iran uprising, we have frequently run into cases where the deaths of protesters have been officially attributed to accidents, suicides, chronic diseases, etc. 

Behnaz Afshari was a college student killed in the protests in Pakdasht, but it was officially announced that she was killed in an accident.

Qazaleh Qassemi, a 26-year-old woman working in an animal store, was killed by security forces with the blows of batons but officially claimed to have died in a car accident. 

Fereshteh Ahmadi, the mother of two young children, was shot in the chest by security forces while standing on the balcony of her house. Still, the government said she was shot from inside her house and pressured her father and brother to endorse this scenario.

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The landmark decision was made after heated debates since it was unprecedented for the UN to expel a member state from its commissions. 
The membership of the child-killing regime of gender apartheid in the UN Commission on the Status of Women was wrong in the first place. It contradicted all the CSW goals and insulted the women of Iran and all the women of the world.

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Just the day before, the UN Human Rights Council held a Special Session that approved a resolution to form a fact-finding mission to investigate human rights violations in Iran. Virtually all delegates in this special session admired Iranian women’s courage in leading the protests and standing up to the brutal regime in Iran. 

These are the days of unity and activism worldwide to end violence against women and girls by calling for global action to increase awareness, promote advocacy, and create opportunities for discussion on challenges and solutions. 

In this episode, we want to increase awareness of the state-sponsored violence against women in Iran and the escalated brutal repression of women in the heat of protests that have been going on for 76 days. 

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The answer to this question is very simple. The goal of these protests and this revolution can be summarized in one word, “freedom.” Something that the people of Iran and especially Iranian women, are deprived of. 

Indeed, the goal of the previous revolution in 1979 was also freedom, but Khomeini hijacked the leadership of that revolution and diverted its goal.

Actually, our people in Iran have a long history of over 120 years of struggle for freedom. And it seems that we’re finally getting there. 

The Iranian people rose up many times over the past years under the mullahs. In 1999, in 2009, in 2017, 2018, and 2019. Every time these upheavals were suppressed with massive crackdowns and utmost brutality. 

This time, however, the organized network of Resistance Units is at work with a new generation that’s incredibly brave, enlightened, and determined. As they chant in all their acts of protest, they want “freedom, freedom, freedom!”

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Although it seems to be sheer madness, but this is the true nature of the Iranian regime. 

In just the past couple of days, parents have rushed to different high schools to save their young daughters’ lives.

Students of Sadr high school in Tehran experienced an insulting and brutal inspection on October 24. The plan was to take away the girls’ mobile phones. One girl fainted after she was beaten by the principal.

Two weeks ago in Ardabil, 15-year-old Asra Panahi lost her life due to internal bleeding after plainclothes agents attacked the Shahed high school. She was among the students brutalized for refusing to participate in a pro-regime ceremony. 

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Although the world has paid increased attention to the issues that matter to girls, investments in girls’ rights remain limited and girls continue to confront a myriad of challenges to fulfilling their potential. 

With adversity, however, comes resourcefulness, creativity, tenacity, and resilience. The world's girls have shown time and time again that given the skills and the opportunities, they can be the change makers.

So, today, young women and girls in Iran have taken to the streets to decide the fate of their country and bring about change.

The NCRI Women’s Committee had earlier described Iranian girls as the most innocent victims of the clerical regime’s brutal gender discrimination in Iran. Most news about them concerns violence, suicide, forced child marriages, school dropouts, malnutrition, lack of medical care, and child laborers. 

How does that relate to the young women and girls who are leading the way during Iran protests?

At the first glance, there seems to be a contradiction at work. But as was just mentioned, with adversity comes resourcefulness, creativity, tenacity, and resilience.

Women have borne the brunt of repression under the mullahs’ rule, and among them, the girl child is the most innocent victim. 

Deprived of many of their rights, these young women and girls are like a compressed spring full of energy and power when released. They make up a potent force. 

And this is what’s happening in Iran, today. Women are leading and inspiring the protests and injecting their energy to others. And again, you see that young girls are the most outspoken and the bravest. The fact that young girls are coming out of their schools, marching on the streets and calling for the regime’s overthrow, is a clear indication of the deep-seated, widespread discontent in society for schoolchildren and girls to come out like this.  

These girls are very brave. They are at the forefront of the protests, countering the security forces with bare hands. The fact that so many young women and girls are among those slain during the protests is itself an indication of the widespread and extensive participation of young women and girls in the protests that seek regime change. 

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That’s why young people and women do not let the protests die down after 14 days and keep going despite 300 people killed and 15,000 arrested. They are willing to pay the price to the end. 

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SDG6 aims to ‘ensure availability and sustainable management of water and sanitation for all.’ With water protests continuing for days in Hamedan, it’s evident the situation is dire for Iranians.

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August 3 marked the first anniversary of Ebrahim Raisi taking office in Iran after a rigged election engineered by the mullahs’ supreme leader. 

The past year in Iran saw a staggering rise in executions and the clampdown on Iranian women. That’s in addition to a bankrupt economy with people becoming poorer every day, and a growing army of the unemployed and hungry.

We’re going to discuss the impact of Raisi’s presidency in Iran especially as it relates to women’s rights and conditions. 

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As Amnesty International Secretary-General said, “That Ebrahim Raisi has risen to the presidency instead of being investigated for the crimes against humanity of murder, enforced disappearance, and torture, is a grim reminder that impunity reigns supreme in Iran…” 

The Iranian authorities’ systematic concealment of the fate of victims and the whereabouts of their bodies, amounts to ongoing crimes against humanity.

On the anniversary of the massacre of 30,000 political prisoners in Iran in the summer of 1988, we’re going to discuss how the genocide impacted Iranian women.

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In this podcast, the NCRI Women’s Committee will get into the details of how the Iranian regime has failed to give the minimum response to this SDG and even adopted a law that cripples women’s rights in this regard.

The fact is that the fertility rate in Iran has dropped nine folds in the past 36 years. In 1986, every Iranian woman gave birth to an average of 5.6 children. But now this rate has dropped to 0.6 children per woman. This is mainly due to poverty and repression. Young people are poor and they cannot buy a house or even rent an apartment and pay the expenses of married life. Married couples are poor, and they cannot afford to feed their children, so they’d rather not have any children. Add to this the repressive conditions in society that discourage people from having children born into such a heavily repressive society.

The Population Growth law wants to force women to do what they really don’t want to. They don’t want and do not afford to have more children.

We strongly advise you to not only visit our website on a daily basis but carefully analyze this episode’s topic in our newly published pamphlet, “Double pressure on Iranian women under the pretext of population growth. Why?” 

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Enforcing the mandatory veil is used as a tool of repression. The clerical regime finds its male-dominated and medieval interpretation of Islam a systematic way to chain Iranian women and deprive them of their freedoms.

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We aim to review the parts from this report covering the Iranian regime’s measures concerning the Second Sustainable Development Goal of the UN, known as SDG2.

SDG2 aims to achieve "zero hunger." It is one of the 17 Sustainable Development Goals established by the United Nations. The official wording is, "End hunger, achieve food security and improved nutrition and promote sustainable agriculture."

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Although the legal age of marriage in Iran is 13, the law allows a girl’s father or paternal grandfather to wed her even at a younger age. And there have been many examples of girls being wed at age 9 and even as young as 5. 

At least 100 marriages of girls under 15 every 24 hours. One should bear in mind that considering the Iranian regime’s lack of transparency, the published figures must be regarded as a minimum. 9,753 young girls between 10 and 14 were married in spring 2021.

The average rate of child marriage in Iran is 30% above the world average rate. Experts say this is the tip of an iceberg and the actual number of child marriages is 5 to 6 times greater. 

A legal advisor to the Iranian Judiciary acknowledged a few years ago that “an average of 500,000 to 600,000 Iranian girls under 14 get married every year.”

Honor killings and femicides in Iran 

Everyone heard the story of Mona Heydari, a young mother beheaded by her husband in Iran back in February. The horrific incident drew attention to the plight of women in Iran who enjoy no government or social support in the face of domestic violence. It also brought to light the fact that the country’s laws actually promote such brutal treatment of women. 

None of the Iranian regime officials or leaders condemned the cold-blooded murder of this 17-year-old woman by her husband. 

Ironically, some described the murderous husband as “oppressed.” This is while Mona was a battered woman who had filed for divorce several times, to no avail. 

Now after three months, a judiciary spokesman just recently declared that no complaints had been filed against the murderer and Mona’s family had not sought retribution. As a result, the murderer will most probably be finally released.

This is what promotes honor killings in Iran, because the law does not criminalize violence against women, and it does not punish the murderers. The Iranian regime’s laws regard the father and the husband as owners of women and as such, they are entitled to do whatever they want to them. 

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The Iranian regime is the chief executioner of women in the world because there is no other country executing so many women every year. 

Of course, in this podcast, we are focusing on the death sentences carried out for ordinary women charged with murder, drug trafficking, etc. 

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Welcome to another episode of the podcasts produced by the NCRI Women’s Committee. In this episode, we discuss the issues brought up in the latest pamphlet published by the NCRI Women’s Committee, “Climate Change in Iran; women are the prime victims, the clerical regime is the main culprit.” 

The pamphlet is a report prepared by the NCRI Women’s Committee for the 66th session of the UN Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) in New York in March 2022. 

This year’s theme of the CSW was “Achieving Gender Equality and Empowering All Women and Girls in the Face of Climate Change.” CSW calls on countries to provide effective programs and policies to reduce the effects of environmental risks and natural disasters on women's lives.

The conditions of women in Iran cannot be defined under international norms.

The mullahs have ruled Iran for more than 40 years. They continue their rule not by serving people, but by fully encroaching on the lives and property of the Iranian people and exporting terrorism to other countries.

Iran is among the world’s top ten polluting countries in terms of greenhouse gas emissions. It annually emits more than 600 million tons of greenhouse gases into the Earth's atmosphere. 

The trend of temperature rise in Iran is above the global average. In the spring and the winter of 2021, the average temperature of the country was about 2 to 3 degrees Celsius higher than the long-term average, and in some areas, such as the northwest of the country, the temperature has increased between 3 to 6 degrees Celsius. (The official IRNA News Agency - July 7, 2021)

What exacerbates the impact of climate change and natural disasters in Iran is neither greenhouse gases nor industrial activities, but complete destruction of the environment through predatory policies and terrorist projects.

We are going to discuss in this episode of our podcasts not only the ways in which climate change has impacted the lives of women in Iran but worse, how the Iranian regime’s harmful handling of the natural environment and resources, as well as its inaction at times of disaster, have aggravated the impact.

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In one of its key publications, "Institutionalized misogyny in the laws of the mullahs’ regime ruling Iran”, the NCRI Women's Committee explains and proves that misogyny is not a culture, but a function of the regime ruling Iran. 

These misogynistic laws are the root cause and the underlying source of oppression and elimination of women from social, cultural, athletic, artistic and other fields of activities. These laws violate their rights, and promote violence against them both in society and family life.

The Constitution identifies women with motherhood and regards childbearing and rearing children as their first and foremost duty.

Part of the introduction to the Constitution reads, “Women regain their crucial and invaluable duty of motherhood in raising vanguard, ideological human beings, while they, themselves, are comrades of men in active fields of ‘life’…”

So, from the mullahs’ standpoint, a woman is simply defined as a mother whose duty is giving birth to human beings who adhere to the ruling regime’s ideology. 

Principle 21 on “women’s rights” points out that the “Custody of children is granted to qualified mothers to protect the children’s interests in the absence of a religiously-designated guardian.”

Paragraph 5 of this principle says that despite all the efforts of a mother to raise her child, a child’s guardian is first, the father, then the grandfather. If they do not exist, and if the mother was qualified according to the mullahs’ backward criteria, then she could have the custody of her child.

 The Iranian Civil Code has in various paragraphs practically defined women as male’s captives and sex slaves. 

Here is an example. A little girl only 9 years old can be married off to a much older man upon the consent of her father, or paternal grandfather if a judge approves it. 

She must live wherever her "husband" wants, and she doesn’t have the right to leave the house, or work and travel without her husband’s permission. 

It is clearly stated in Article 1114 that a woman must live in the house that the husband determines. 

The husband can prevent the woman from working or having a profession he does not like, under the pretext of being "incompatible with the interests of the family."

As to why it has become a social catastrophe, one must point out to the policies of the mullahs' regime and to the fact that child marriage is a category of violence and institutionalized misogyny in the laws.

Another example of misogyny in the laws of the Iranian regime concerns “divorce.”

According to Article 1105 of the civil code, the family is headed by the husband. 

According to Articles 1122 to 1130, a man can divorce his wife for any reason, including various diseases and blindness from both eyes. 

He can even divorce his wife without informing her.

In contrast, the civil code puts numerous conditions and complexities on the way of a woman seeking divorce.

In addition, when the husband and wife separate, the custody of children older than 7 years is granted to the father.

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In today’s Iran, we witness the constant spread of violence against women. 

State violence perpetrated against women is several-fold more intense than the social or domestic violence women experience in Iran.

The Iranian Judiciary’s failure to prosecute the perpetrators fully has further contributed to the spread of violence against women in Iran. In this episode, you will hear about some shocking examples in this regard.

At least five women were shot and wounded in a shooting spree in Isfahan on August 19, 2021. The assailant was identified and arrested within 48 hours but the Judiciary released him on bail in less than a month’s time.

Parastoo Nauvardi, 36, explained in a video clip that her husband subjected her to brutal physical and mental torture for three years, and yet, when she referred to the Judiciary to take custody of her children, the prosecutor criticized her for going public about her experience of domestic violence.

On November 1, 2021, Fatemeh Rasooli, the mother of five little girls, was burned to death by her husband, immediately after she revealed that their sixth child was going to be another girl. Fatemeh’s husband was released on bail the following day.

In another case on August 23, 2021, Farahnaz Khalili, a 25-year-old photographer, committed suicide in the city of Bushehr after a judge refused to accept her complaint against rape. 

A social pathologist writes, “Iran ranks first when it comes to domestic violence. No home is safe in Iran.”

However, the bill proposed to prevent violence against women has held up for more than 10 years without being passed. Even if the bill is passed, it will not improve women’s situation. 

With the selection of Ebrahim Raisi, a mass murderer, as the regime’s president, the prospects for better conditions for women seem less feasible than ever before.

In the absence of laws criminalizing violence against women, and in light of the misogynist laws in Iran, one could only expect further spread of violence against women in Iran. 

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