Open Letters: Selected Writings, 1965-1990
I can’t remember where I bought this book from. I’m sure it wasn’t from Prague because I remember being disappointed for not having found a Havel, at least not in English. I’d like to think I bought it from Massolit Books in Kraków, at the back, where you have to go past the barista/cashier/counter, open a door into a small hallway and then enter a living room stashed with books and, further into the back, facing the cashier / curator, is the English section that interests me: Polish and Easter European writers.
I also can’t remember why is it that I was looking to read Havel. I knew so little about him and, having watched a couple of videos and read some articles after I’ve finished the book, I’m not much more advanced in my knowledge of him. That is because the Havel of the book isn’t quite the politician Havel, the first president of post-communist Czechoslovakia and the first president of the Czech Republic after the separation.
When I finished reading the book, I thought Havel speaks the truth.
Open Letters is dense and intense. It’s dense because it covers Havel’s non-fictional writings, in chronological order of publication, with some published in English for the first time, from before he was known outside of Czechoslovakia, some published during his celebrity, others during his time in prison and the last two outside and as president. It’s intense because Havel advances concepts rather than solutions or actions, proposes logical chains of reasoning, goes deep into those concepts, -concepts which aren’t really novel, or original- leans a tad on philosophy and introduces Christian thinking into the concept of powerlessness. Havel does these reflections within the frame of the events happening around him.
So what is Havel saying? Whatever he’s saying, he says it with humor. It’s always difficult to capture humor when talking about oppression or injustice and I find it uncomfortable, at times, to smile about these things but, whenever I do smile, I’m backed by a very recent video uploaded by the French Institute of Archies, INA, of Milan Kundera, a contemporary of Havel who left Czechoslovakia in 1975. Interviewed in the late 1970s or early 1980s, Kundera said that western critics and intellectuals often fail at grasping slavic humor and that he sometimes struggled to transmit, within the same narrative scene, the anxiety felt by citizens of small nations facing a real existential threat of simply vanishing from history alongside day-to-day humor.
Back to Havel, and to illustrate the ludicrous when speaking of oppression, Havel is writing an essay about Article 202 of the Czechoslovak penal code, an Article which was activated to silence many of Havel’s contemporaries because of its incredible interpretation elasticity and so he writes about Article 202: “The possibilities [to put people on trial] are limitless: someday, perhaps an inconspicuous sneer will be enough, a scarcely audible “hurrah”, a moment of suspicious reverie, a different colored tie. It’s definitely a law with a future.”
Havel is writing to resist. His essays, despite being inspirational for people living under totalitarian regimes, are meant for the Czechoslovaks themselves and, at their core, are there to offer “different viewpoints” to the state-backed narrative.
When he writes to Dubček, First Secretary of the Czechoslovak Communist Party -in other words the leader of Czechoslovakia at the time- who could have carried the hopes of the Czechoslovaks for a better system in 1968 but who failed to do so against the Soviet Union, he writes to demystify -what Havel terms, in his piece “On Evasive Thinking”- the “verbal mysticism” as practiced by the regime: when words no longer say the truth and, as such, gain “an occult power to transform reality into another.” Havel writes to rehabilitate the words we use to describe our reality.
When he writes to both Dubček and Huśak, the communist party premier installed by the Soviets after Dubček, he writes with so much confidence. This confidence stems from him being different, not from his fellow countrymen, but from the regime’s apparatchik, including writers. He’s not alone in his difference as he often refers to other similar-minded groups and initiatives and Havel wants to convince his countrymen and often structures his essays in an If, Then logic, at the end of which the reader finds himself / herself nodding in agreement.
Although his most famous essay is “The Power of the Powerless”, in which he elaborates on the concepts of dissent, power, resistance and looks at the West straight in the face, when he writes about -both- its support of and its misunderstanding of political change in Eastern Europe, in my review, I chose to shed more light on his letter titled: “Dear Dr. Huśak”, published in 1975, and considered to be his first major public statement. When I re-examined the book for the purpose of this review, I found much of the powerful writing of Havel in his “The Power of the Powerless” essay rests on theories and definitions and reasoning elaborated first in “Dear Dr. Huśak”.
Havel openly speaks of fear that people are experiencing, despite the achievements claimed by the regime and which Havel mentions in the opening lines of the essay, in which he snidely remarks how people in Czechoslovakia have now the freedom to choose which washing machine they want to buy. He shows how repression has shifted from the brutal aggression of force into “more subtle and selective forms” to a form of “existential pressure”. How best does a writer illustrate this subtle form of repression except through his observation that current Czech literature no longer enlarges one’s experience of the world; in other words the subtle repression de facto restrains the scope of subjects that literature takes on. Havel is brilliant when defines what a totalitarian regime is; it’s as if he wanted to juxtapose how large a space a totalitarian regime takes to how much restrained a space literature takes in such a regime. He will go on to develops much more the definition and the concept of a totalitarian regime in his Powerless essay, but he does it so subtly and beautifully: he compares the calmness -to be understood as absence of protests and disruptions- of a country in a totalitarian regime to the calmness of a morgue, deplores the absence of “fresh movement” which leads to “social activity” which creates “social memory”. As he goes on freezing the concept of a totalitarian regime, he wrestles out the term “history” from the communist hands and asks:
“If the element of continuity and causality is [sic] so vitally linked in history with the element of unrepeatability and unpredictability, we may well ask how true history […] can ever exist in a world ruled by an “entropic”regime.”
Havel is terrified at the absence of events in his country, except for those “prehistoric” ones: birth, marriage and death and brilliantly reflects on the “non-events” that the totalitarian regime must create, year after year, to fill the gaps left by the “disquieting dimension of history.” Life in the totalitarian regime becomes a succession of rituals: anniversaries, parades and celebrations of “day of” or “worker of”.
But then if the regime is so stable and political life under control, why should the regime worry? Havel gives the answer: because of human dignity.
In “Dear Dr. Huśak”, Havel will develop the role that human dignity can play in resistance and returns the causes of anxiety on the politburo and on the regime more broadly by letting them know that those docile people, living calmly in a stable totalitarian system, are very well aware of the acute price they are paying for outward peace and quiet: the humiliation of their human dignity and that “the less resistance they put up to it [the humiliation of their dignity] the deeper the experience etches itself into their emotional memory.”
These are words that pierce the regime’s spine. I wonder if, having read Havel’s letter, the regime didn’t come to the realization that it will inevitably collapse and that its collapse is paradoxically the end outcome of it having secure outward calmness. I also wonder what would a Gulf Sheikh think of Havel’s reflection on the absence of political and social events in a “stable” system.
In 1978, The Power of the Powerless is published; Havel transforms the concept of emotional memory into the more powerful -and the more worrying to the regime- concept of conscience and the inner life of the individual, as the only elements -only not in the sense of destitution but in the sense of sufficiency- citizens will need and will resort to, to overthrow a totalitarian regime. In this essay, which I invite the entire population of our planet to read, I find Havel layering Christian concepts to resistance or dissent: responsibility to truth, aided -or more accurately- pushed for by one’s conscience.

In more than one occasion, Havel reminds his audience of the centrality of responsibility in political action, prominently so in his first presidential speech, where he will stress on the responsibility of the individual and will not avail himself -nor will accept it for citizens either- of excuses of circumstance, -an approach I wish, one day, we, Lebanese, will understand.
Before becoming president, Havel was awarded The Peace Prize of the German Booksellers Association in 1989 and in the concluding lines of his acceptance speech titled: “A Word about Words”, he writes:
“[…] We should all fight together against arrogant words and keep a weather eye out for any insiduous germs of arrogance in words that are seemingly humble.
Obviously, this is not just a linguistic task. Responsibility for an towards words is a task which is intrinsically ethical.”
I hope that with my publicly available review, I can get others to be interested in Havel’s writings and I hope that a publisher re-issues this book and disseminates it widely to audiences around the world.












